Now she is alone, cut off by curtains from the three other women in the room. One woman's name, she gathers from bits of conversation, is Beverly. Another is Lois. Carol lies to her left. "Goddamnit, goddamn you, this is hell", she hears one of them say. And then a man's voice: "I love you, sweetheart". Words Ashima has neither heard nor expects to hear from her own husband; this is not how they are. It is the first time in her life she has slept alone, surrounded by strangers; all her life she has slept either in a room with her parents, or with Ashoke at her side. She wishes the curtains were open, so that she could talk to the American women. Perhaps one of them has given birth before, can tell her what to expect. But she has gathered that Americans, in spite of their public declarations of affection, in spite of their miniskirts and bikinis, in spite of their hand-holding on the street and lying on top of each other on the Cambridge Common, prefer their privacy. She spreads her fingers over the taut, enormous drum her middle has become, wondering where the baby's feet and hands are at this moment. The child is no longer restless; for the past few days, apart from the occasional flutter, she has not felt it punch or kick or press against her ribs. She wonders if she is the only Indian person in the hospital, but a gentle twitch from the baby reminds her that she is, technically speaking, not alone. Ashima thinks it's strange that her child will be born in a place most people enter either to suffer or to die. There is nothing to comfort her in the off-white tiles of the floor, the off-white panels of the ceiling, the white sheets tucked tightly into the bed. In India, she thinks to herself, women go home to their parents to give birth, away from husbands and in-laws and household cares, retreating briefly to childhood when the baby arrives. |
Another contraction begins, more violent than the last. She cries out, pressing her head against the pillow. Her fingers grip the chilly rails of the bed. No one hears her, no nurse rushes to her side. She has been instructed to time the duration of the contractions and so she consults her watch, a bon voyage gift from her parents, slipped over her wrist the last time she saw them, amid airport confusion and tears. It wasn't until she was on the plane, flying for the first time in her life on a BOAC VC-10 whose deafening ascent twenty-six members of her family had watched from the balcony at Dum Dum Airport, as she was drifting over parts of India shed never set foot in. and then even farther, outside India itself, that she'd noticed the watch among the cavalcade of matrimonial bracelets on both her arms: iron, gold, coral, conch. Now, in addition, she wears a plastic bracelet with a typed label identifying her as a patient of the hospital. She keeps the watch face turned to the inside of her wrist. On the back, surrounded by the words waterproof, antimagnetic, and shock-protected, her married initials, A.G., are inscribed. |
Now she is alone, cut off by curtains from the three other women in the room. One woman's name, she gathers from bits of conversation, is Beverly. Another is Lois. Carol lies to her left. "Goddamnit, goddamn you, this is hell", she hears one of them say. And then a man's voice: "I love you, sweetheart". Words Ashima has neither heard nor expects to hear from her own husband; this is not how they are. It is the first time in her life she has slept alone, surrounded by strangers; all her life she has slept either in a room with her parents, or with Ashoke at her side. She wishes the curtains were open, so that she could talk to the American women. Perhaps one of them has given birth before, can tell her what to expect. But she has gathered that Americans, in spite of their public declarations of affection, in spite of their miniskirts and bikinis, in spite of their hand-holding on the street and lying on top of each other on the Cambridge Common, prefer their privacy. She spreads her fingers over the taut, enormous drum her middle has become, wondering where the baby's feet and hands are at this moment. The child is no longer restless; for the past few days, apart from the occasional flutter, she has not felt it punch or kick or press against her ribs. She wonders if she is the only Indian person in the hospital, but a gentle twitch from the baby reminds her that she is, technically speaking, not alone. Ashima thinks it's strange that her child will be born in a place most people enter either to suffer or to die. There is nothing to comfort her in the off-white tiles of the floor, the off-white panels of the ceiling, the white sheets tucked tightly into the bed. In India, she thinks to herself, women go home to their parents to give birth, away from husbands and in-laws and household cares, retreating briefly to childhood when the baby arrives. |
Another contraction begins, more violent than the last. She cries out, pressing her head against the pillow. Her fingers grip the chilly rails of the bed. No one hears her, no nurse rushes to her side. She has been instructed to time the duration of the contractions and so she consults her watch, a bon voyage gift from her parents, slipped over her wrist the last time she saw them, amid airport confusion and tears. It wasn't until she was on the plane, flying for the first time in her life on a BOAC VC-10 whose deafening ascent twenty-six members of her family had watched from the balcony at Dum Dum Airport, as she was drifting over parts of India shed never set foot in. and then even farther, outside India itself, that she'd noticed the watch among the cavalcade of matrimonial bracelets on both her arms: iron, gold, coral, conch. Now, in addition, she wears a plastic bracelet with a typed label identifying her as a patient of the hospital. She keeps the watch face turned to the inside of her wrist. On the back, surrounded by the words waterproof, antimagnetic, and shock-protected, her married initials, A.G., are inscribed. |
Now she is alone, cut off by curtains from the three other women in the room. One woman's name, she gathers from bits of conversation, is Beverly. Another is Lois. Carol lies to her left. "Goddamnit, goddamn you, this is hell", she hears one of them say. And then a man's voice: "I love you, sweetheart". Words Ashima has neither heard nor expects to hear from her own husband; this is not how they are. It is the first time in her life she has slept alone, surrounded by strangers; all her life she has slept either in a room with her parents, or with Ashoke at her side. She wishes the curtains were open, so that she could talk to the American women. Perhaps one of them has given birth before, can tell her what to expect. But she has gathered that Americans, in spite of their public declarations of affection, in spite of their miniskirts and bikinis, in spite of their hand-holding on the street and lying on top of each other on the Cambridge Common, prefer their privacy. She spreads her fingers over the taut, enormous drum her middle has become, wondering where the baby's feet and hands are at this moment. The child is no longer restless; for the past few days, apart from the occasional flutter, she has not felt it punch or kick or press against her ribs. She wonders if she is the only Indian person in the hospital, but a gentle twitch from the baby reminds her that she is, technically speaking, not alone. Ashima thinks it's strange that her child will be born in a place most people enter either to suffer or to die. There is nothing to comfort her in the off-white tiles of the floor, the off-white panels of the ceiling, the white sheets tucked tightly into the bed. In India, she thinks to herself, women go home to their parents to give birth, away from husbands and in-laws and household cares, retreating briefly to childhood when the baby arrives. |
Another contraction begins, more violent than the last. She cries out, pressing her head against the pillow. Her fingers grip the chilly rails of the bed. No one hears her, no nurse rushes to her side. She has been instructed to time the duration of the contractions and so she consults her watch, a bon voyage gift from her parents, slipped over her wrist the last time she saw them, amid airport confusion and tears. It wasn't until she was on the plane, flying for the first time in her life on a BOAC VC-10 whose deafening ascent twenty-six members of her family had watched from the balcony at Dum Dum Airport, as she was drifting over parts of India shed never set foot in. and then even farther, outside India itself, that she'd noticed the watch among the cavalcade of matrimonial bracelets on both her arms: iron, gold, coral, conch. Now, in addition, she wears a plastic bracelet with a typed label identifying her as a patient of the hospital. She keeps the watch face turned to the inside of her wrist. On the back, surrounded by the words waterproof, antimagnetic, and shock-protected, her married initials, A.G., are inscribed. |
Now she is alone, cut off by curtains from the three other women in the room. One woman's name, she gathers from bits of conversation, is Beverly. Another is Lois. Carol lies to her left. "Goddamnit, goddamn you, this is hell", she hears one of them say. And then a man's voice: "I love you, sweetheart". Words Ashima has neither heard nor expects to hear from her own husband; this is not how they are. It is the first time in her life she has slept alone, surrounded by strangers; all her life she has slept either in a room with her parents, or with Ashoke at her side. She wishes the curtains were open, so that she could talk to the American women. Perhaps one of them has given birth before, can tell her what to expect. But she has gathered that Americans, in spite of their public declarations of affection, in spite of their miniskirts and bikinis, in spite of their hand-holding on the street and lying on top of each other on the Cambridge Common, prefer their privacy. She spreads her fingers over the taut, enormous drum her middle has become, wondering where the baby's feet and hands are at this moment. The child is no longer restless; for the past few days, apart from the occasional flutter, she has not felt it punch or kick or press against her ribs. She wonders if she is the only Indian person in the hospital, but a gentle twitch from the baby reminds her that she is, technically speaking, not alone. Ashima thinks it's strange that her child will be born in a place most people enter either to suffer or to die. There is nothing to comfort her in the off-white tiles of the floor, the off-white panels of the ceiling, the white sheets tucked tightly into the bed. In India, she thinks to herself, women go home to their parents to give birth, away from husbands and in-laws and household cares, retreating briefly to childhood when the baby arrives. |
Another contraction begins, more violent than the last. She cries out, pressing her head against the pillow. Her fingers grip the chilly rails of the bed. No one hears her, no nurse rushes to her side. She has been instructed to time the duration of the contractions and so she consults her watch, a bon voyage gift from her parents, slipped over her wrist the last time she saw them, amid airport confusion and tears. It wasn't until she was on the plane, flying for the first time in her life on a BOAC VC-10 whose deafening ascent twenty-six members of her family had watched from the balcony at Dum Dum Airport, as she was drifting over parts of India shed never set foot in. and then even farther, outside India itself, that she'd noticed the watch among the cavalcade of matrimonial bracelets on both her arms: iron, gold, coral, conch. Now, in addition, she wears a plastic bracelet with a typed label identifying her as a patient of the hospital. She keeps the watch face turned to the inside of her wrist. On the back, surrounded by the words waterproof, antimagnetic, and shock-protected, her married initials, A.G., are inscribed. |
Now she is alone, cut off by curtains from the three other women in the room. One woman's name, she gathers from bits of conversation, is Beverly. Another is Lois. Carol lies to her left. "Goddamnit, goddamn you, this is hell", she hears one of them say. And then a man's voice: "I love you, sweetheart". Words Ashima has neither heard nor expects to hear from her own husband; this is not how they are. It is the first time in her life she has slept alone, surrounded by strangers; all her life she has slept either in a room with her parents, or with Ashoke at her side. She wishes the curtains were open, so that she could talk to the American women. Perhaps one of them has given birth before, can tell her what to expect. But she has gathered that Americans, in spite of their public declarations of affection, in spite of their miniskirts and bikinis, in spite of their hand-holding on the street and lying on top of each other on the Cambridge Common, prefer their privacy. She spreads her fingers over the taut, enormous drum her middle has become, wondering where the baby's feet and hands are at this moment. The child is no longer restless; for the past few days, apart from the occasional flutter, she has not felt it punch or kick or press against her ribs. She wonders if she is the only Indian person in the hospital, but a gentle twitch from the baby reminds her that she is, technically speaking, not alone. Ashima thinks it's strange that her child will be born in a place most people enter either to suffer or to die. There is nothing to comfort her in the off-white tiles of the floor, the off-white panels of the ceiling, the white sheets tucked tightly into the bed. In India, she thinks to herself, women go home to their parents to give birth, away from husbands and in-laws and household cares, retreating briefly to childhood when the baby arrives. |
Another contraction begins, more violent than the last. She cries out, pressing her head against the pillow. Her fingers grip the chilly rails of the bed. No one hears her, no nurse rushes to her side. She has been instructed to time the duration of the contractions and so she consults her watch, a bon voyage gift from her parents, slipped over her wrist the last time she saw them, amid airport confusion and tears. It wasn't until she was on the plane, flying for the first time in her life on a BOAC VC-10 whose deafening ascent twenty-six members of her family had watched from the balcony at Dum Dum Airport, as she was drifting over parts of India shed never set foot in. and then even farther, outside India itself, that she'd noticed the watch among the cavalcade of matrimonial bracelets on both her arms: iron, gold, coral, conch. Now, in addition, she wears a plastic bracelet with a typed label identifying her as a patient of the hospital. She keeps the watch face turned to the inside of her wrist. On the back, surrounded by the words waterproof, antimagnetic, and shock-protected, her married initials, A.G., are inscribed. |
The day before I left, my mother called, sounding sleepy. "I've been thinking", she said, with a mother's weird instinct, "what this country needs is revolution." |
An article on the internet says that Israel's Mossad is training 30 high-ranking Indian police officers in the techniques of targeted assassinations, to render the Maoist organisation "headless". There's talk in the press about the new hardware that has been bought from Israel: laser range-finders, thermal imaging equipment and unmanned drones, so popular with the US army. Perfect weapons to use against the poor. |
The drive from Raipur to Dantewada takes about 10 hours through areas known to be 'Maoist-infested'. These are not careless words. 'Infest/infestation' implies disease/pests. Diseases must be cured. Pests must be exterminated. Maoists must be wiped out. In these creeping, innocuous ways, the language of genocide has entered our vocabulary. |
To protect the highway, security forces have 'secured' a narrow bandwidth of forest on either side. Further in, it's the raj of the 'Dada log'. The Brothers. The Comrades. |
On the outskirts of Raipur, a massive billboard advertises Vedanta (the company our home minister once worked with) Cancer Hospital. In Orissa, where it is mining bauxite, Vedanta is financing a university. In these creeping, innocuous ways, mining corporations enter our imaginations: the Gentle Giants who Really Care. It's called CSR, Corporate Social Responsibility. It allows mining companies to be like the legendary actor and former chief minister NTR, who liked to play all the parts in Telugu mythoLEGALs-the good guys and the bad guys, all at once, in the same movie. This CSR masks the outrageous economics that underpins the mining sector in India. For example, according to the recent Lokayukta report for Karnataka, for every tonne of iron ore mined by a private company, the government gets a royalty of Rs 27 and the mining company makes Rs 5,000. In the bauxite and aluminium sector, the figures are even worse. We're talking about daylight robbery to the tune of billions of dollars. Enough to buy elections, governments, judges, newspapers, TV channels, NGOs and aid agencies. What's the occasional cancer hospital here or there? |
I don't remember seeing Vedanta's name on the long list of MoUs signed by the Chhattisgarh government. But I'm twisted enough to suspect that if there's a cancer hospital, there must be a flat-topped bauxite mountain somewhere. |
We pass Kanker, famous for its Counter Terrorism and Jungle Warfare College run by Brigadier B.K. Ponwar, Rumpelstiltskin of this war, charged with the task of turning corrupt, sloppy policemen (straw) into jungle commandos (gold). "Fight a guerrilla like a guerrilla", the motto of the warfare training school, is painted on the rocks. The men are taught to run, slither, jump on and off air-borne helicopters, ride horses (for some reason), eat snakes and live off the jungle. The brigadier takes great pride in training street dogs to fight 'terrorists'. Eight hundred policemen graduate from the warfare training school every six weeks. Twenty similar schools are being planned all over India. The police force is gradually being turned into an army. (In Kashmir, it's the other way around. The army is being turned into a bloated, administrative police force.) Upside down. Inside out. Either way, the Enemy is the People. |
The day before I left, my mother called, sounding sleepy. "I've been thinking", she said, with a mother's weird instinct, "what this country needs is revolution." |
An article on the internet says that Israel's Mossad is training 30 high-ranking Indian police officers in the techniques of targeted assassinations, to render the Maoist organisation "headless". There's talk in the press about the new hardware that has been bought from Israel: laser range-finders, thermal imaging equipment and unmanned drones, so popular with the US army. Perfect weapons to use against the poor. |
The drive from Raipur to Dantewada takes about 10 hours through areas known to be 'Maoist-infested'. These are not careless words. 'Infest/infestation' implies disease/pests. Diseases must be cured. Pests must be exterminated. Maoists must be wiped out. In these creeping, innocuous ways, the language of genocide has entered our vocabulary. |
To protect the highway, security forces have 'secured' a narrow bandwidth of forest on either side. Further in, it's the raj of the 'Dada log'. The Brothers. The Comrades. |
On the outskirts of Raipur, a massive billboard advertises Vedanta (the company our home minister once worked with) Cancer Hospital. In Orissa, where it is mining bauxite, Vedanta is financing a university. In these creeping, innocuous ways, mining corporations enter our imaginations: the Gentle Giants who Really Care. It's called CSR, Corporate Social Responsibility. It allows mining companies to be like the legendary actor and former chief minister NTR, who liked to play all the parts in Telugu mythoLEGALs-the good guys and the bad guys, all at once, in the same movie. This CSR masks the outrageous economics that underpins the mining sector in India. For example, according to the recent Lokayukta report for Karnataka, for every tonne of iron ore mined by a private company, the government gets a royalty of Rs 27 and the mining company makes Rs 5,000. In the bauxite and aluminium sector, the figures are even worse. We're talking about daylight robbery to the tune of billions of dollars. Enough to buy elections, governments, judges, newspapers, TV channels, NGOs and aid agencies. What's the occasional cancer hospital here or there? |
I don't remember seeing Vedanta's name on the long list of MoUs signed by the Chhattisgarh government. But I'm twisted enough to suspect that if there's a cancer hospital, there must be a flat-topped bauxite mountain somewhere. |
We pass Kanker, famous for its Counter Terrorism and Jungle Warfare College run by Brigadier B.K. Ponwar, Rumpelstiltskin of this war, charged with the task of turning corrupt, sloppy policemen (straw) into jungle commandos (gold). "Fight a guerrilla like a guerrilla", the motto of the warfare training school, is painted on the rocks. The men are taught to run, slither, jump on and off air-borne helicopters, ride horses (for some reason), eat snakes and live off the jungle. The brigadier takes great pride in training street dogs to fight 'terrorists'. Eight hundred policemen graduate from the warfare training school every six weeks. Twenty similar schools are being planned all over India. The police force is gradually being turned into an army. (In Kashmir, it's the other way around. The army is being turned into a bloated, administrative police force.) Upside down. Inside out. Either way, the Enemy is the People. |
The day before I left, my mother called, sounding sleepy. "I've been thinking", she said, with a mother's weird instinct, "what this country needs is revolution." |
An article on the internet says that Israel's Mossad is training 30 high-ranking Indian police officers in the techniques of targeted assassinations, to render the Maoist organisation "headless". There's talk in the press about the new hardware that has been bought from Israel: laser range-finders, thermal imaging equipment and unmanned drones, so popular with the US army. Perfect weapons to use against the poor. |
The drive from Raipur to Dantewada takes about 10 hours through areas known to be 'Maoist-infested'. These are not careless words. 'Infest/infestation' implies disease/pests. Diseases must be cured. Pests must be exterminated. Maoists must be wiped out. In these creeping, innocuous ways, the language of genocide has entered our vocabulary. |
To protect the highway, security forces have 'secured' a narrow bandwidth of forest on either side. Further in, it's the raj of the 'Dada log'. The Brothers. The Comrades. |
On the outskirts of Raipur, a massive billboard advertises Vedanta (the company our home minister once worked with) Cancer Hospital. In Orissa, where it is mining bauxite, Vedanta is financing a university. In these creeping, innocuous ways, mining corporations enter our imaginations: the Gentle Giants who Really Care. It's called CSR, Corporate Social Responsibility. It allows mining companies to be like the legendary actor and former chief minister NTR, who liked to play all the parts in Telugu mythoLEGALs-the good guys and the bad guys, all at once, in the same movie. This CSR masks the outrageous economics that underpins the mining sector in India. For example, according to the recent Lokayukta report for Karnataka, for every tonne of iron ore mined by a private company, the government gets a royalty of Rs 27 and the mining company makes Rs 5,000. In the bauxite and aluminium sector, the figures are even worse. We're talking about daylight robbery to the tune of billions of dollars. Enough to buy elections, governments, judges, newspapers, TV channels, NGOs and aid agencies. What's the occasional cancer hospital here or there? |
I don't remember seeing Vedanta's name on the long list of MoUs signed by the Chhattisgarh government. But I'm twisted enough to suspect that if there's a cancer hospital, there must be a flat-topped bauxite mountain somewhere. |
We pass Kanker, famous for its Counter Terrorism and Jungle Warfare College run by Brigadier B.K. Ponwar, Rumpelstiltskin of this war, charged with the task of turning corrupt, sloppy policemen (straw) into jungle commandos (gold). "Fight a guerrilla like a guerrilla", the motto of the warfare training school, is painted on the rocks. The men are taught to run, slither, jump on and off air-borne helicopters, ride horses (for some reason), eat snakes and live off the jungle. The brigadier takes great pride in training street dogs to fight 'terrorists'. Eight hundred policemen graduate from the warfare training school every six weeks. Twenty similar schools are being planned all over India. The police force is gradually being turned into an army. (In Kashmir, it's the other way around. The army is being turned into a bloated, administrative police force.) Upside down. Inside out. Either way, the Enemy is the People. |
The day before I left, my mother called, sounding sleepy. "I've been thinking", she said, with a mother's weird instinct, "what this country needs is revolution." |
An article on the internet says that Israel's Mossad is training 30 high-ranking Indian police officers in the techniques of targeted assassinations, to render the Maoist organisation "headless". There's talk in the press about the new hardware that has been bought from Israel: laser range-finders, thermal imaging equipment and unmanned drones, so popular with the US army. Perfect weapons to use against the poor. |
The drive from Raipur to Dantewada takes about 10 hours through areas known to be 'Maoist-infested'. These are not careless words. 'Infest/infestation' implies disease/pests. Diseases must be cured. Pests must be exterminated. Maoists must be wiped out. In these creeping, innocuous ways, the language of genocide has entered our vocabulary. |
To protect the highway, security forces have 'secured' a narrow bandwidth of forest on either side. Further in, it's the raj of the 'Dada log'. The Brothers. The Comrades. |
On the outskirts of Raipur, a massive billboard advertises Vedanta (the company our home minister once worked with) Cancer Hospital. In Orissa, where it is mining bauxite, Vedanta is financing a university. In these creeping, innocuous ways, mining corporations enter our imaginations: the Gentle Giants who Really Care. It's called CSR, Corporate Social Responsibility. It allows mining companies to be like the legendary actor and former chief minister NTR, who liked to play all the parts in Telugu mythoLEGALs-the good guys and the bad guys, all at once, in the same movie. This CSR masks the outrageous economics that underpins the mining sector in India. For example, according to the recent Lokayukta report for Karnataka, for every tonne of iron ore mined by a private company, the government gets a royalty of Rs 27 and the mining company makes Rs 5,000. In the bauxite and aluminium sector, the figures are even worse. We're talking about daylight robbery to the tune of billions of dollars. Enough to buy elections, governments, judges, newspapers, TV channels, NGOs and aid agencies. What's the occasional cancer hospital here or there? |
I don't remember seeing Vedanta's name on the long list of MoUs signed by the Chhattisgarh government. But I'm twisted enough to suspect that if there's a cancer hospital, there must be a flat-topped bauxite mountain somewhere. |
We pass Kanker, famous for its Counter Terrorism and Jungle Warfare College run by Brigadier B.K. Ponwar, Rumpelstiltskin of this war, charged with the task of turning corrupt, sloppy policemen (straw) into jungle commandos (gold). "Fight a guerrilla like a guerrilla", the motto of the warfare training school, is painted on the rocks. The men are taught to run, slither, jump on and off air-borne helicopters, ride horses (for some reason), eat snakes and live off the jungle. The brigadier takes great pride in training street dogs to fight 'terrorists'. Eight hundred policemen graduate from the warfare training school every six weeks. Twenty similar schools are being planned all over India. The police force is gradually being turned into an army. (In Kashmir, it's the other way around. The army is being turned into a bloated, administrative police force.) Upside down. Inside out. Either way, the Enemy is the People. |
The day before I left, my mother called, sounding sleepy. "I've been thinking", she said, with a mother's weird instinct, "what this country needs is revolution." |
An article on the internet says that Israel's Mossad is training 30 high-ranking Indian police officers in the techniques of targeted assassinations, to render the Maoist organisation "headless". There's talk in the press about the new hardware that has been bought from Israel: laser range-finders, thermal imaging equipment and unmanned drones, so popular with the US army. Perfect weapons to use against the poor. |
The drive from Raipur to Dantewada takes about 10 hours through areas known to be 'Maoist-infested'. These are not careless words. 'Infest/infestation' implies disease/pests. Diseases must be cured. Pests must be exterminated. Maoists must be wiped out. In these creeping, innocuous ways, the language of genocide has entered our vocabulary. |
To protect the highway, security forces have 'secured' a narrow bandwidth of forest on either side. Further in, it's the raj of the 'Dada log'. The Brothers. The Comrades. |
On the outskirts of Raipur, a massive billboard advertises Vedanta (the company our home minister once worked with) Cancer Hospital. In Orissa, where it is mining bauxite, Vedanta is financing a university. In these creeping, innocuous ways, mining corporations enter our imaginations: the Gentle Giants who Really Care. It's called CSR, Corporate Social Responsibility. It allows mining companies to be like the legendary actor and former chief minister NTR, who liked to play all the parts in Telugu mythoLEGALs-the good guys and the bad guys, all at once, in the same movie. This CSR masks the outrageous economics that underpins the mining sector in India. For example, according to the recent Lokayukta report for Karnataka, for every tonne of iron ore mined by a private company, the government gets a royalty of Rs 27 and the mining company makes Rs 5,000. In the bauxite and aluminium sector, the figures are even worse. We're talking about daylight robbery to the tune of billions of dollars. Enough to buy elections, governments, judges, newspapers, TV channels, NGOs and aid agencies. What's the occasional cancer hospital here or there? |
I don't remember seeing Vedanta's name on the long list of MoUs signed by the Chhattisgarh government. But I'm twisted enough to suspect that if there's a cancer hospital, there must be a flat-topped bauxite mountain somewhere. |
We pass Kanker, famous for its Counter Terrorism and Jungle Warfare College run by Brigadier B.K. Ponwar, Rumpelstiltskin of this war, charged with the task of turning corrupt, sloppy policemen (straw) into jungle commandos (gold). "Fight a guerrilla like a guerrilla", the motto of the warfare training school, is painted on the rocks. The men are taught to run, slither, jump on and off air-borne helicopters, ride horses (for some reason), eat snakes and live off the jungle. The brigadier takes great pride in training street dogs to fight 'terrorists'. Eight hundred policemen graduate from the warfare training school every six weeks. Twenty similar schools are being planned all over India. The police force is gradually being turned into an army. (In Kashmir, it's the other way around. The army is being turned into a bloated, administrative police force.) Upside down. Inside out. Either way, the Enemy is the People. |
Ease of cremation is one solid advantage of being in Varanasi. The death industry drives the city. The electric crematorium at Harishchandra Ghat and the original, and still revered, Manikamika Ghat burn nearly forty-five thousand bodies a year, or more than a hundred corpses a day. Only little children and people bitten by cobras are not cremated; their bodies are often dumped straight into the river. 'Kasyam maranam mukti', goes the Sanskrit saying, which means dying in Kashi leads to liberation. Hindus believe that if they die here, there is an automatic upgrade to heaven, no matter what the sin committed on earth. |
It is amazing how god provides this wild-card entry at death, which in turn allows my city to earn a living. Specialist one-stop shops provide you everything from firewood to priests and ums to ensure that the dead person departs with dignity. Touts on Manikamika Ghat lure foreigners to come watch the funeral pyres and take pictures for a fee, thereby creating an additional source of revenue. Varanasi is probably the only city on earth where Death is a tourist attraction. |
But for all my city's expertise in death, I had personally never dealt with a dead body in my entire life, let alone that of my father. I did not know how to react to Baba's still body I did not, or rather could not, cry. I don't know why. Perhaps because I was too stunned, and emotionally drained out. Perhaps I had few emotions left after mourning my second entrance-exam disaster. Perhaps I had too much work related to the funeral. Or perhaps it was because I thought I had killed him. |
I had to organise a cremation, then a couple of pujas. I didnt know who to invite. My father had very few friends. I called some of his old students who had kept in touch. I informed Dubey uncle, our lawyer, more for practical reasons than -anything else. The lawyer told Ghanshyam taya-ji. My uncle had sucked my father's blood all his life. However, his family now offered unlimited sympathy. I found his wife, Neeta tayiji, at my doorstep. She saw me, extended her arms and broke 'down. |
Its okay, tayi-ji,' I said, extracting myself from the bosom hug. 'You need not have come.' |
'What are you saying? Husbands younger brother is like a son', she said. |
Of course, she did not mention the land she stole from her 'son'. 'When is the puja?' she asked me. |
'I have no idea,' I said. 'I have to get the cremation done first.' |
'Who is doing that?' she said. I shrugged my shoulders. |
'Do you have the money to do a cremation at Manikamika?' she said. |
I shook my head. 'The electric one at Harishchandra Ghat is cheaper,' I said. |
'What electric? It is broken most of the time, anyway. We have to do a proper one. What are we here for?' |
Soon, Ghanshyam tayaji arrived with the rest of his brood. He had two sons and two daughters, all dressed in rich clothes. I didn't look like their relative at all. After my uncle arrived, they took over the cremation. They called more kith and kin. They arranged for a priest, who offered a ten-thousand rupee package for the cremation. My uncle bargained him down to seven. It felt macabre to bargain for a funeral, but someone had to do it. My uncle paid the priest in crisp five-hundred-rupee notes. |
Ease of cremation is one solid advantage of being in Varanasi. The death industry drives the city. The electric crematorium at Harishchandra Ghat and the original, and still revered, Manikamika Ghat burn nearly forty-five thousand bodies a year, or more than a hundred corpses a day. Only little children and people bitten by cobras are not cremated; their bodies are often dumped straight into the river. 'Kasyam maranam mukti', goes the Sanskrit saying, which means dying in Kashi leads to liberation. Hindus believe that if they die here, there is an automatic upgrade to heaven, no matter what the sin committed on earth. |
It is amazing how god provides this wild-card entry at death, which in turn allows my city to earn a living. Specialist one-stop shops provide you everything from firewood to priests and ums to ensure that the dead person departs with dignity. Touts on Manikamika Ghat lure foreigners to come watch the funeral pyres and take pictures for a fee, thereby creating an additional source of revenue. Varanasi is probably the only city on earth where Death is a tourist attraction. |
But for all my city's expertise in death, I had personally never dealt with a dead body in my entire life, let alone that of my father. I did not know how to react to Baba's still body I did not, or rather could not, cry. I don't know why. Perhaps because I was too stunned, and emotionally drained out. Perhaps I had few emotions left after mourning my second entrance-exam disaster. Perhaps I had too much work related to the funeral. Or perhaps it was because I thought I had killed him. |
I had to organise a cremation, then a couple of pujas. I didnt know who to invite. My father had very few friends. I called some of his old students who had kept in touch. I informed Dubey uncle, our lawyer, more for practical reasons than -anything else. The lawyer told Ghanshyam taya-ji. My uncle had sucked my father's blood all his life. However, his family now offered unlimited sympathy. I found his wife, Neeta tayiji, at my doorstep. She saw me, extended her arms and broke 'down. |
Its okay, tayi-ji,' I said, extracting myself from the bosom hug. 'You need not have come.' |
'What are you saying? Husbands younger brother is like a son', she said. |
Of course, she did not mention the land she stole from her 'son'. 'When is the puja?' she asked me. |
'I have no idea,' I said. 'I have to get the cremation done first.' |
'Who is doing that?' she said. I shrugged my shoulders. |
'Do you have the money to do a cremation at Manikamika?' she said. |
I shook my head. 'The electric one at Harishchandra Ghat is cheaper,' I said. |
'What electric? It is broken most of the time, anyway. We have to do a proper one. What are we here for?' |
Soon, Ghanshyam tayaji arrived with the rest of his brood. He had two sons and two daughters, all dressed in rich clothes. I didn't look like their relative at all. After my uncle arrived, they took over the cremation. They called more kith and kin. They arranged for a priest, who offered a ten-thousand rupee package for the cremation. My uncle bargained him down to seven. It felt macabre to bargain for a funeral, but someone had to do it. My uncle paid the priest in crisp five-hundred-rupee notes. |
Ease of cremation is one solid advantage of being in Varanasi. The death industry drives the city. The electric crematorium at Harishchandra Ghat and the original, and still revered, Manikamika Ghat burn nearly forty-five thousand bodies a year, or more than a hundred corpses a day. Only little children and people bitten by cobras are not cremated; their bodies are often dumped straight into the river. 'Kasyam maranam mukti', goes the Sanskrit saying, which means dying in Kashi leads to liberation. Hindus believe that if they die here, there is an automatic upgrade to heaven, no matter what the sin committed on earth. |
It is amazing how god provides this wild-card entry at death, which in turn allows my city to earn a living. Specialist one-stop shops provide you everything from firewood to priests and ums to ensure that the dead person departs with dignity. Touts on Manikamika Ghat lure foreigners to come watch the funeral pyres and take pictures for a fee, thereby creating an additional source of revenue. Varanasi is probably the only city on earth where Death is a tourist attraction. |
But for all my city's expertise in death, I had personally never dealt with a dead body in my entire life, let alone that of my father. I did not know how to react to Baba's still body I did not, or rather could not, cry. I don't know why. Perhaps because I was too stunned, and emotionally drained out. Perhaps I had few emotions left after mourning my second entrance-exam disaster. Perhaps I had too much work related to the funeral. Or perhaps it was because I thought I had killed him. |
I had to organise a cremation, then a couple of pujas. I didnt know who to invite. My father had very few friends. I called some of his old students who had kept in touch. I informed Dubey uncle, our lawyer, more for practical reasons than -anything else. The lawyer told Ghanshyam taya-ji. My uncle had sucked my father's blood all his life. However, his family now offered unlimited sympathy. I found his wife, Neeta tayiji, at my doorstep. She saw me, extended her arms and broke 'down. |
Its okay, tayi-ji,' I said, extracting myself from the bosom hug. 'You need not have come.' |
'What are you saying? Husbands younger brother is like a son', she said. |
Of course, she did not mention the land she stole from her 'son'. 'When is the puja?' she asked me. |
'I have no idea,' I said. 'I have to get the cremation done first.' |
'Who is doing that?' she said. I shrugged my shoulders. |
'Do you have the money to do a cremation at Manikamika?' she said. |
I shook my head. 'The electric one at Harishchandra Ghat is cheaper,' I said. |
'What electric? It is broken most of the time, anyway. We have to do a proper one. What are we here for?' |
Soon, Ghanshyam tayaji arrived with the rest of his brood. He had two sons and two daughters, all dressed in rich clothes. I didn't look like their relative at all. After my uncle arrived, they took over the cremation. They called more kith and kin. They arranged for a priest, who offered a ten-thousand rupee package for the cremation. My uncle bargained him down to seven. It felt macabre to bargain for a funeral, but someone had to do it. My uncle paid the priest in crisp five-hundred-rupee notes. |
Ease of cremation is one solid advantage of being in Varanasi. The death industry drives the city. The electric crematorium at Harishchandra Ghat and the original, and still revered, Manikamika Ghat burn nearly forty-five thousand bodies a year, or more than a hundred corpses a day. Only little children and people bitten by cobras are not cremated; their bodies are often dumped straight into the river. 'Kasyam maranam mukti', goes the Sanskrit saying, which means dying in Kashi leads to liberation. Hindus believe that if they die here, there is an automatic upgrade to heaven, no matter what the sin committed on earth. |
It is amazing how god provides this wild-card entry at death, which in turn allows my city to earn a living. Specialist one-stop shops provide you everything from firewood to priests and ums to ensure that the dead person departs with dignity. Touts on Manikamika Ghat lure foreigners to come watch the funeral pyres and take pictures for a fee, thereby creating an additional source of revenue. Varanasi is probably the only city on earth where Death is a tourist attraction. |
But for all my city's expertise in death, I had personally never dealt with a dead body in my entire life, let alone that of my father. I did not know how to react to Baba's still body I did not, or rather could not, cry. I don't know why. Perhaps because I was too stunned, and emotionally drained out. Perhaps I had few emotions left after mourning my second entrance-exam disaster. Perhaps I had too much work related to the funeral. Or perhaps it was because I thought I had killed him. |
I had to organise a cremation, then a couple of pujas. I didnt know who to invite. My father had very few friends. I called some of his old students who had kept in touch. I informed Dubey uncle, our lawyer, more for practical reasons than -anything else. The lawyer told Ghanshyam taya-ji. My uncle had sucked my father's blood all his life. However, his family now offered unlimited sympathy. I found his wife, Neeta tayiji, at my doorstep. She saw me, extended her arms and broke 'down. |
Its okay, tayi-ji,' I said, extracting myself from the bosom hug. 'You need not have come.' |
'What are you saying? Husbands younger brother is like a son', she said. |
Of course, she did not mention the land she stole from her 'son'. 'When is the puja?' she asked me. |
'I have no idea,' I said. 'I have to get the cremation done first.' |
'Who is doing that?' she said. I shrugged my shoulders. |
'Do you have the money to do a cremation at Manikamika?' she said. |
I shook my head. 'The electric one at Harishchandra Ghat is cheaper,' I said. |
'What electric? It is broken most of the time, anyway. We have to do a proper one. What are we here for?' |
Soon, Ghanshyam tayaji arrived with the rest of his brood. He had two sons and two daughters, all dressed in rich clothes. I didn't look like their relative at all. After my uncle arrived, they took over the cremation. They called more kith and kin. They arranged for a priest, who offered a ten-thousand rupee package for the cremation. My uncle bargained him down to seven. It felt macabre to bargain for a funeral, but someone had to do it. My uncle paid the priest in crisp five-hundred-rupee notes. |
Ease of cremation is one solid advantage of being in Varanasi. The death industry drives the city. The electric crematorium at Harishchandra Ghat and the original, and still revered, Manikamika Ghat burn nearly forty-five thousand bodies a year, or more than a hundred corpses a day. Only little children and people bitten by cobras are not cremated; their bodies are often dumped straight into the river. 'Kasyam maranam mukti', goes the Sanskrit saying, which means dying in Kashi leads to liberation. Hindus believe that if they die here, there is an automatic upgrade to heaven, no matter what the sin committed on earth. |
It is amazing how god provides this wild-card entry at death, which in turn allows my city to earn a living. Specialist one-stop shops provide you everything from firewood to priests and ums to ensure that the dead person departs with dignity. Touts on Manikamika Ghat lure foreigners to come watch the funeral pyres and take pictures for a fee, thereby creating an additional source of revenue. Varanasi is probably the only city on earth where Death is a tourist attraction. |
But for all my city's expertise in death, I had personally never dealt with a dead body in my entire life, let alone that of my father. I did not know how to react to Baba's still body I did not, or rather could not, cry. I don't know why. Perhaps because I was too stunned, and emotionally drained out. Perhaps I had few emotions left after mourning my second entrance-exam disaster. Perhaps I had too much work related to the funeral. Or perhaps it was because I thought I had killed him. |
I had to organise a cremation, then a couple of pujas. I didnt know who to invite. My father had very few friends. I called some of his old students who had kept in touch. I informed Dubey uncle, our lawyer, more for practical reasons than -anything else. The lawyer told Ghanshyam taya-ji. My uncle had sucked my father's blood all his life. However, his family now offered unlimited sympathy. I found his wife, Neeta tayiji, at my doorstep. She saw me, extended her arms and broke 'down. |
Its okay, tayi-ji,' I said, extracting myself from the bosom hug. 'You need not have come.' |
'What are you saying? Husbands younger brother is like a son', she said. |
Of course, she did not mention the land she stole from her 'son'. 'When is the puja?' she asked me. |
'I have no idea,' I said. 'I have to get the cremation done first.' |
'Who is doing that?' she said. I shrugged my shoulders. |
'Do you have the money to do a cremation at Manikamika?' she said. |
I shook my head. 'The electric one at Harishchandra Ghat is cheaper,' I said. |
'What electric? It is broken most of the time, anyway. We have to do a proper one. What are we here for?' |
Soon, Ghanshyam tayaji arrived with the rest of his brood. He had two sons and two daughters, all dressed in rich clothes. I didn't look like their relative at all. After my uncle arrived, they took over the cremation. They called more kith and kin. They arranged for a priest, who offered a ten-thousand rupee package for the cremation. My uncle bargained him down to seven. It felt macabre to bargain for a funeral, but someone had to do it. My uncle paid the priest in crisp five-hundred-rupee notes. |
It was not until it was getting dark that evening that Gregor awoke from his deep and coma-like sleep. He would have woken soon afterwards anyway even if he hadn't been disturbed, as he had had enough sleep and felt fully rested. But he had the impression that some hurried steps and the sound of the door leading into the front room being carefully shut had woken him. The light from the electric street lamps shone palely here and there onto the ceiling and tops of the furniture, but down below, where Gregor was, it was dark. He pushed himself over to the door, feeling his way clumsily with his antennae - of which he was now beginning to learn the value - in order to see what had been happening there. The whole of his left side seemed like one, painfully stretched scar, and he limped badly on his two rows of legs. One of the legs had been badly injured in the events of that morning - it was nearly a miracle that only one of them had been - and dragged along lifelessly. |
It was only when he had reached the door that he realised what it actually was that had drawn him over to it; it was the smell of something to eat. By the door there was a dish filled with sweetened milk with little pieces of white bread floating in it. He was so pleased he almost laughed, as he was even hungrier than he had been that morning, and immediately dipped his head into the milk, nearly covering his eyes with it. But he soon drew his head back again in disappointment; not only did the pain in his tender left side make it difficult to eat the food - he was only able to eat if his whole body worked together as a snuffling whole - but the milk did not taste at all nice. Milk like this was normally his favourite drink, and his sister had certainly left it there for him because of that, but he turned, almost against his own will, away from the dish and crawled back into the centre of the room. |
Through the crack in the door, Gregor could see that the gas had been lit in the living room. His father at this time would normally be sat with his evening paper, reading it out in a loud voice to Gregor's mother, and sometimes to his sister, but there was now not a sound to be heard. Gregor's sister would often write and tell him about this reading, but maybe his father had lost the habit in recent times. It was so quiet all around too, even though there must have been somebody in the flat. "What a quiet life it is the family lead", said Gregor to himself, and, gazing into the darkness, felt a great pride that he was able to provide a life like that in such a nice home for his sister and parents. But what now, if all this peace and wealth and comfort should come to a horrible and frightening end? That was something that Gregor did not want to think about too much, so he started to move about, crawling up and down the room. |
It was not until it was getting dark that evening that Gregor awoke from his deep and coma-like sleep. He would have woken soon afterwards anyway even if he hadn't been disturbed, as he had had enough sleep and felt fully rested. But he had the impression that some hurried steps and the sound of the door leading into the front room being carefully shut had woken him. The light from the electric street lamps shone palely here and there onto the ceiling and tops of the furniture, but down below, where Gregor was, it was dark. He pushed himself over to the door, feeling his way clumsily with his antennae - of which he was now beginning to learn the value - in order to see what had been happening there. The whole of his left side seemed like one, painfully stretched scar, and he limped badly on his two rows of legs. One of the legs had been badly injured in the events of that morning - it was nearly a miracle that only one of them had been - and dragged along lifelessly. |
It was only when he had reached the door that he realised what it actually was that had drawn him over to it; it was the smell of something to eat. By the door there was a dish filled with sweetened milk with little pieces of white bread floating in it. He was so pleased he almost laughed, as he was even hungrier than he had been that morning, and immediately dipped his head into the milk, nearly covering his eyes with it. But he soon drew his head back again in disappointment; not only did the pain in his tender left side make it difficult to eat the food - he was only able to eat if his whole body worked together as a snuffling whole - but the milk did not taste at all nice. Milk like this was normally his favourite drink, and his sister had certainly left it there for him because of that, but he turned, almost against his own will, away from the dish and crawled back into the centre of the room. |
Through the crack in the door, Gregor could see that the gas had been lit in the living room. His father at this time would normally be sat with his evening paper, reading it out in a loud voice to Gregor's mother, and sometimes to his sister, but there was now not a sound to be heard. Gregor's sister would often write and tell him about this reading, but maybe his father had lost the habit in recent times. It was so quiet all around too, even though there must have been somebody in the flat. "What a quiet life it is the family lead", said Gregor to himself, and, gazing into the darkness, felt a great pride that he was able to provide a life like that in such a nice home for his sister and parents. But what now, if all this peace and wealth and comfort should come to a horrible and frightening end? That was something that Gregor did not want to think about too much, so he started to move about, crawling up and down the room. |
It was not until it was getting dark that evening that Gregor awoke from his deep and coma-like sleep. He would have woken soon afterwards anyway even if he hadn't been disturbed, as he had had enough sleep and felt fully rested. But he had the impression that some hurried steps and the sound of the door leading into the front room being carefully shut had woken him. The light from the electric street lamps shone palely here and there onto the ceiling and tops of the furniture, but down below, where Gregor was, it was dark. He pushed himself over to the door, feeling his way clumsily with his antennae - of which he was now beginning to learn the value - in order to see what had been happening there. The whole of his left side seemed like one, painfully stretched scar, and he limped badly on his two rows of legs. One of the legs had been badly injured in the events of that morning - it was nearly a miracle that only one of them had been - and dragged along lifelessly. |
It was only when he had reached the door that he realised what it actually was that had drawn him over to it; it was the smell of something to eat. By the door there was a dish filled with sweetened milk with little pieces of white bread floating in it. He was so pleased he almost laughed, as he was even hungrier than he had been that morning, and immediately dipped his head into the milk, nearly covering his eyes with it. But he soon drew his head back again in disappointment; not only did the pain in his tender left side make it difficult to eat the food - he was only able to eat if his whole body worked together as a snuffling whole - but the milk did not taste at all nice. Milk like this was normally his favourite drink, and his sister had certainly left it there for him because of that, but he turned, almost against his own will, away from the dish and crawled back into the centre of the room. |
Through the crack in the door, Gregor could see that the gas had been lit in the living room. His father at this time would normally be sat with his evening paper, reading it out in a loud voice to Gregor's mother, and sometimes to his sister, but there was now not a sound to be heard. Gregor's sister would often write and tell him about this reading, but maybe his father had lost the habit in recent times. It was so quiet all around too, even though there must have been somebody in the flat. "What a quiet life it is the family lead", said Gregor to himself, and, gazing into the darkness, felt a great pride that he was able to provide a life like that in such a nice home for his sister and parents. But what now, if all this peace and wealth and comfort should come to a horrible and frightening end? That was something that Gregor did not want to think about too much, so he started to move about, crawling up and down the room. |
It was not until it was getting dark that evening that Gregor awoke from his deep and coma-like sleep. He would have woken soon afterwards anyway even if he hadn't been disturbed, as he had had enough sleep and felt fully rested. But he had the impression that some hurried steps and the sound of the door leading into the front room being carefully shut had woken him. The light from the electric street lamps shone palely here and there onto the ceiling and tops of the furniture, but down below, where Gregor was, it was dark. He pushed himself over to the door, feeling his way clumsily with his antennae - of which he was now beginning to learn the value - in order to see what had been happening there. The whole of his left side seemed like one, painfully stretched scar, and he limped badly on his two rows of legs. One of the legs had been badly injured in the events of that morning - it was nearly a miracle that only one of them had been - and dragged along lifelessly. |
It was only when he had reached the door that he realised what it actually was that had drawn him over to it; it was the smell of something to eat. By the door there was a dish filled with sweetened milk with little pieces of white bread floating in it. He was so pleased he almost laughed, as he was even hungrier than he had been that morning, and immediately dipped his head into the milk, nearly covering his eyes with it. But he soon drew his head back again in disappointment; not only did the pain in his tender left side make it difficult to eat the food - he was only able to eat if his whole body worked together as a snuffling whole - but the milk did not taste at all nice. Milk like this was normally his favourite drink, and his sister had certainly left it there for him because of that, but he turned, almost against his own will, away from the dish and crawled back into the centre of the room. |
Through the crack in the door, Gregor could see that the gas had been lit in the living room. His father at this time would normally be sat with his evening paper, reading it out in a loud voice to Gregor's mother, and sometimes to his sister, but there was now not a sound to be heard. Gregor's sister would often write and tell him about this reading, but maybe his father had lost the habit in recent times. It was so quiet all around too, even though there must have been somebody in the flat. "What a quiet life it is the family lead", said Gregor to himself, and, gazing into the darkness, felt a great pride that he was able to provide a life like that in such a nice home for his sister and parents. But what now, if all this peace and wealth and comfort should come to a horrible and frightening end? That was something that Gregor did not want to think about too much, so he started to move about, crawling up and down the room. |
It was not until it was getting dark that evening that Gregor awoke from his deep and coma-like sleep. He would have woken soon afterwards anyway even if he hadn't been disturbed, as he had had enough sleep and felt fully rested. But he had the impression that some hurried steps and the sound of the door leading into the front room being carefully shut had woken him. The light from the electric street lamps shone palely here and there onto the ceiling and tops of the furniture, but down below, where Gregor was, it was dark. He pushed himself over to the door, feeling his way clumsily with his antennae - of which he was now beginning to learn the value - in order to see what had been happening there. The whole of his left side seemed like one, painfully stretched scar, and he limped badly on his two rows of legs. One of the legs had been badly injured in the events of that morning - it was nearly a miracle that only one of them had been - and dragged along lifelessly. |
It was only when he had reached the door that he realised what it actually was that had drawn him over to it; it was the smell of something to eat. By the door there was a dish filled with sweetened milk with little pieces of white bread floating in it. He was so pleased he almost laughed, as he was even hungrier than he had been that morning, and immediately dipped his head into the milk, nearly covering his eyes with it. But he soon drew his head back again in disappointment; not only did the pain in his tender left side make it difficult to eat the food - he was only able to eat if his whole body worked together as a snuffling whole - but the milk did not taste at all nice. Milk like this was normally his favourite drink, and his sister had certainly left it there for him because of that, but he turned, almost against his own will, away from the dish and crawled back into the centre of the room. |
Through the crack in the door, Gregor could see that the gas had been lit in the living room. His father at this time would normally be sat with his evening paper, reading it out in a loud voice to Gregor's mother, and sometimes to his sister, but there was now not a sound to be heard. Gregor's sister would often write and tell him about this reading, but maybe his father had lost the habit in recent times. It was so quiet all around too, even though there must have been somebody in the flat. "What a quiet life it is the family lead", said Gregor to himself, and, gazing into the darkness, felt a great pride that he was able to provide a life like that in such a nice home for his sister and parents. But what now, if all this peace and wealth and comfort should come to a horrible and frightening end? That was something that Gregor did not want to think about too much, so he started to move about, crawling up and down the room. |
The Director of Companies was our captain and our host. We four affectionately watched his back as he stood in the bows looking to seaward. On the whole river there was nothing that looked half so nautical. He resembled a pilot, which to a seaman is trustworthiness personified. It was difficult to realize his work was not out there in the luminous estuary, but behind him, within the brooding gloom. |
Between us there was, as I have already said somewhere, the bond of the sea. Besides holding our hearts together through long periods of separation, it had the effect of making us tolerant of each other's yarns-and even convictions. The Lawyer-the best of old fellows-had, because of his many years and many virtues, the only cushion on deck, and was lying on the only rug. The Accountant had brought out already a box of dominoes, and was toying architecturally with the bones. Marlow sat cross-legged right aft, leaning against the mizzen-mast. He had sunken cheeks, a yellow complexion, a straight back, an ascetic aspect, and with his arms dropped, the palms of hands outwards, resembled an idol. The director, satisfied the anchor had good hold, made his way aft and sat down amongst us. We exchanged a few words lazily. Afterwards there was silence on board the yacht. For some reason or other v/e did not begin that game of dominoes. We felt meditative, and fit for nothing but placid staring. The day was ending in a serenity of still and exquisite brilliance. The water shone pacifically; the sky, without a speck, was a benign immensity of unstained light; the very mist on the Essex marsh was like a gauzy and radiant fabric, hung from the wooded rises inland, and draping the low shores in diaphanous folds. Only the gloom to the west, brooding over the upper reaches, became more sombre every minute, as if angered by the approach of the sun. |
And at last, in its curved and imperceptible fall, the sun sank low, and from glowing white changed to a dull red without rays and without heat, as if about to go out suddenly, stricken to death by the touch of that gloom brooding over a crowd of men. |
Forthwith a change came over the waters, and the serenity became less brilliant but more profound. The old river in its broad reach rested unruffled at the decline of day, after ages of good service done to the race that peopled its banks, spread out in the tranquil dignity of a waterway leading to the uttermost ends of the earth. We looked at the venerable stream not in the vivid flush of a short day that comes and departs forever, but in the august light of abiding memories. And indeed nothing is easier for a man who has, as the phrase goes, "followed the sea" with reverence and affection, than to evoke the great spirit of the past upon the lower reaches of the Thames. |
The Director of Companies was our captain and our host. We four affectionately watched his back as he stood in the bows looking to seaward. On the whole river there was nothing that looked half so nautical. He resembled a pilot, which to a seaman is trustworthiness personified. It was difficult to realize his work was not out there in the luminous estuary, but behind him, within the brooding gloom. |
Between us there was, as I have already said somewhere, the bond of the sea. Besides holding our hearts together through long periods of separation, it had the effect of making us tolerant of each other's yarns-and even convictions. The Lawyer-the best of old fellows-had, because of his many years and many virtues, the only cushion on deck, and was lying on the only rug. The Accountant had brought out already a box of dominoes, and was toying architecturally with the bones. Marlow sat cross-legged right aft, leaning against the mizzen-mast. He had sunken cheeks, a yellow complexion, a straight back, an ascetic aspect, and with his arms dropped, the palms of hands outwards, resembled an idol. The director, satisfied the anchor had good hold, made his way aft and sat down amongst us. We exchanged a few words lazily. Afterwards there was silence on board the yacht. For some reason or other v/e did not begin that game of dominoes. We felt meditative, and fit for nothing but placid staring. The day was ending in a serenity of still and exquisite brilliance. The water shone pacifically; the sky, without a speck, was a benign immensity of unstained light; the very mist on the Essex marsh was like a gauzy and radiant fabric, hung from the wooded rises inland, and draping the low shores in diaphanous folds. Only the gloom to the west, brooding over the upper reaches, became more sombre every minute, as if angered by the approach of the sun. |
And at last, in its curved and imperceptible fall, the sun sank low, and from glowing white changed to a dull red without rays and without heat, as if about to go out suddenly, stricken to death by the touch of that gloom brooding over a crowd of men. |
Forthwith a change came over the waters, and the serenity became less brilliant but more profound. The old river in its broad reach rested unruffled at the decline of day, after ages of good service done to the race that peopled its banks, spread out in the tranquil dignity of a waterway leading to the uttermost ends of the earth. We looked at the venerable stream not in the vivid flush of a short day that comes and departs forever, but in the august light of abiding memories. And indeed nothing is easier for a man who has, as the phrase goes, "followed the sea" with reverence and affection, than to evoke the great spirit of the past upon the lower reaches of the Thames. |
The Director of Companies was our captain and our host. We four affectionately watched his back as he stood in the bows looking to seaward. On the whole river there was nothing that looked half so nautical. He resembled a pilot, which to a seaman is trustworthiness personified. It was difficult to realize his work was not out there in the luminous estuary, but behind him, within the brooding gloom. |
Between us there was, as I have already said somewhere, the bond of the sea. Besides holding our hearts together through long periods of separation, it had the effect of making us tolerant of each other's yarns-and even convictions. The Lawyer-the best of old fellows-had, because of his many years and many virtues, the only cushion on deck, and was lying on the only rug. The Accountant had brought out already a box of dominoes, and was toying architecturally with the bones. Marlow sat cross-legged right aft, leaning against the mizzen-mast. He had sunken cheeks, a yellow complexion, a straight back, an ascetic aspect, and with his arms dropped, the palms of hands outwards, resembled an idol. The director, satisfied the anchor had good hold, made his way aft and sat down amongst us. We exchanged a few words lazily. Afterwards there was silence on board the yacht. For some reason or other v/e did not begin that game of dominoes. We felt meditative, and fit for nothing but placid staring. The day was ending in a serenity of still and exquisite brilliance. The water shone pacifically; the sky, without a speck, was a benign immensity of unstained light; the very mist on the Essex marsh was like a gauzy and radiant fabric, hung from the wooded rises inland, and draping the low shores in diaphanous folds. Only the gloom to the west, brooding over the upper reaches, became more sombre every minute, as if angered by the approach of the sun. |
And at last, in its curved and imperceptible fall, the sun sank low, and from glowing white changed to a dull red without rays and without heat, as if about to go out suddenly, stricken to death by the touch of that gloom brooding over a crowd of men. |
Forthwith a change came over the waters, and the serenity became less brilliant but more profound. The old river in its broad reach rested unruffled at the decline of day, after ages of good service done to the race that peopled its banks, spread out in the tranquil dignity of a waterway leading to the uttermost ends of the earth. We looked at the venerable stream not in the vivid flush of a short day that comes and departs forever, but in the august light of abiding memories. And indeed nothing is easier for a man who has, as the phrase goes, "followed the sea" with reverence and affection, than to evoke the great spirit of the past upon the lower reaches of the Thames. |
The Director of Companies was our captain and our host. We four affectionately watched his back as he stood in the bows looking to seaward. On the whole river there was nothing that looked half so nautical. He resembled a pilot, which to a seaman is trustworthiness personified. It was difficult to realize his work was not out there in the luminous estuary, but behind him, within the brooding gloom. |
Between us there was, as I have already said somewhere, the bond of the sea. Besides holding our hearts together through long periods of separation, it had the effect of making us tolerant of each other's yarns-and even convictions. The Lawyer-the best of old fellows-had, because of his many years and many virtues, the only cushion on deck, and was lying on the only rug. The Accountant had brought out already a box of dominoes, and was toying architecturally with the bones. Marlow sat cross-legged right aft, leaning against the mizzen-mast. He had sunken cheeks, a yellow complexion, a straight back, an ascetic aspect, and with his arms dropped, the palms of hands outwards, resembled an idol. The director, satisfied the anchor had good hold, made his way aft and sat down amongst us. We exchanged a few words lazily. Afterwards there was silence on board the yacht. For some reason or other v/e did not begin that game of dominoes. We felt meditative, and fit for nothing but placid staring. The day was ending in a serenity of still and exquisite brilliance. The water shone pacifically; the sky, without a speck, was a benign immensity of unstained light; the very mist on the Essex marsh was like a gauzy and radiant fabric, hung from the wooded rises inland, and draping the low shores in diaphanous folds. Only the gloom to the west, brooding over the upper reaches, became more sombre every minute, as if angered by the approach of the sun. |
And at last, in its curved and imperceptible fall, the sun sank low, and from glowing white changed to a dull red without rays and without heat, as if about to go out suddenly, stricken to death by the touch of that gloom brooding over a crowd of men. |
Forthwith a change came over the waters, and the serenity became less brilliant but more profound. The old river in its broad reach rested unruffled at the decline of day, after ages of good service done to the race that peopled its banks, spread out in the tranquil dignity of a waterway leading to the uttermost ends of the earth. We looked at the venerable stream not in the vivid flush of a short day that comes and departs forever, but in the august light of abiding memories. And indeed nothing is easier for a man who has, as the phrase goes, "followed the sea" with reverence and affection, than to evoke the great spirit of the past upon the lower reaches of the Thames. |
The Director of Companies was our captain and our host. We four affectionately watched his back as he stood in the bows looking to seaward. On the whole river there was nothing that looked half so nautical. He resembled a pilot, which to a seaman is trustworthiness personified. It was difficult to realize his work was not out there in the luminous estuary, but behind him, within the brooding gloom. |
Between us there was, as I have already said somewhere, the bond of the sea. Besides holding our hearts together through long periods of separation, it had the effect of making us tolerant of each other's yarns-and even convictions. The Lawyer-the best of old fellows-had, because of his many years and many virtues, the only cushion on deck, and was lying on the only rug. The Accountant had brought out already a box of dominoes, and was toying architecturally with the bones. Marlow sat cross-legged right aft, leaning against the mizzen-mast. He had sunken cheeks, a yellow complexion, a straight back, an ascetic aspect, and with his arms dropped, the palms of hands outwards, resembled an idol. The director, satisfied the anchor had good hold, made his way aft and sat down amongst us. We exchanged a few words lazily. Afterwards there was silence on board the yacht. For some reason or other v/e did not begin that game of dominoes. We felt meditative, and fit for nothing but placid staring. The day was ending in a serenity of still and exquisite brilliance. The water shone pacifically; the sky, without a speck, was a benign immensity of unstained light; the very mist on the Essex marsh was like a gauzy and radiant fabric, hung from the wooded rises inland, and draping the low shores in diaphanous folds. Only the gloom to the west, brooding over the upper reaches, became more sombre every minute, as if angered by the approach of the sun. |
And at last, in its curved and imperceptible fall, the sun sank low, and from glowing white changed to a dull red without rays and without heat, as if about to go out suddenly, stricken to death by the touch of that gloom brooding over a crowd of men. |
Forthwith a change came over the waters, and the serenity became less brilliant but more profound. The old river in its broad reach rested unruffled at the decline of day, after ages of good service done to the race that peopled its banks, spread out in the tranquil dignity of a waterway leading to the uttermost ends of the earth. We looked at the venerable stream not in the vivid flush of a short day that comes and departs forever, but in the august light of abiding memories. And indeed nothing is easier for a man who has, as the phrase goes, "followed the sea" with reverence and affection, than to evoke the great spirit of the past upon the lower reaches of the Thames. |
The Genome India Project, a collaboration of 20 institutions including the Indian Institute of Science and some IITs, will enable new efficiencies in medicine, agriculture and the life sciences. The first obvious use would be in personalised medicine, anticipating diseases and modulating treatment according to the genome of patients. Several diseases develop through metabolic polymorphisms - the interplay of the environment with multiple genes, which differ across populations. For instance, one group may develop cancers and another may not, depending on the genetically-determined pathways by which they metabolise carcinogens. Cardiovascular disease generally leads to heart attacks in South Asians, but to strokes in most parts of Africa. If such propensities to disease can be mapped to variations across genomes, it is believed public health interventions can be targeted better, and diseases anticipated before they develop. Similar benefits would come to agriculture if there is a better understanding of the genetic basis of susceptibility to blights, rusts and pests. It may become possible to deter them genetically, and reduce dependence on chemicals. |
Global science would also benefit from a mapping project in one of the world's most diverse gene pools, which would provide data useful for the mapping of the spread and migration of a range of life forms in the Old World, from plants to humans. Traversing from the worlds tallest mountain range to warm seas through multiple bio-zones demarcated by climate and terrain, India could provide much information on the interplay of species and genetic groups within them. Eventually, a deeper understanding of ecology could emerge from the material thrown up. |
However, some caution must be exercised in the field of human genetics, because the life sciences sometimes stray into unscientific terrain and heighten political bias. The mapping of brain regions to mental functions spun off the utterly unscientific and racist field of phrenology. The work on cranial volume measurements of the physician Samuel Morton - regarded in America as the father of scientific racism-justified slavery before the US Civil War. In India, a nation riven by identity politics and obsessed with the myths of pristine origins and authenticity, scientific work in mapping genetic groups may become grist to the political mill of the unscientific notion of race. Projects in genetics generally extend over long periods of time, which should be used by makers of scientific policy to ensure that the data which emerges is not interpreted for political ends. |
The Genome India Project, a collaboration of 20 institutions including the Indian Institute of Science and some IITs, will enable new efficiencies in medicine, agriculture and the life sciences. The first obvious use would be in personalised medicine, anticipating diseases and modulating treatment according to the genome of patients. Several diseases develop through metabolic polymorphisms - the interplay of the environment with multiple genes, which differ across populations. For instance, one group may develop cancers and another may not, depending on the genetically-determined pathways by which they metabolise carcinogens. Cardiovascular disease generally leads to heart attacks in South Asians, but to strokes in most parts of Africa. If such propensities to disease can be mapped to variations across genomes, it is believed public health interventions can be targeted better, and diseases anticipated before they develop. Similar benefits would come to agriculture if there is a better understanding of the genetic basis of susceptibility to blights, rusts and pests. It may become possible to deter them genetically, and reduce dependence on chemicals. |
Global science would also benefit from a mapping project in one of the world's most diverse gene pools, which would provide data useful for the mapping of the spread and migration of a range of life forms in the Old World, from plants to humans. Traversing from the worlds tallest mountain range to warm seas through multiple bio-zones demarcated by climate and terrain, India could provide much information on the interplay of species and genetic groups within them. Eventually, a deeper understanding of ecology could emerge from the material thrown up. |
However, some caution must be exercised in the field of human genetics, because the life sciences sometimes stray into unscientific terrain and heighten political bias. The mapping of brain regions to mental functions spun off the utterly unscientific and racist field of phrenology. The work on cranial volume measurements of the physician Samuel Morton - regarded in America as the father of scientific racism-justified slavery before the US Civil War. In India, a nation riven by identity politics and obsessed with the myths of pristine origins and authenticity, scientific work in mapping genetic groups may become grist to the political mill of the unscientific notion of race. Projects in genetics generally extend over long periods of time, which should be used by makers of scientific policy to ensure that the data which emerges is not interpreted for political ends. |
The Genome India Project, a collaboration of 20 institutions including the Indian Institute of Science and some IITs, will enable new efficiencies in medicine, agriculture and the life sciences. The first obvious use would be in personalised medicine, anticipating diseases and modulating treatment according to the genome of patients. Several diseases develop through metabolic polymorphisms - the interplay of the environment with multiple genes, which differ across populations. For instance, one group may develop cancers and another may not, depending on the genetically-determined pathways by which they metabolise carcinogens. Cardiovascular disease generally leads to heart attacks in South Asians, but to strokes in most parts of Africa. If such propensities to disease can be mapped to variations across genomes, it is believed public health interventions can be targeted better, and diseases anticipated before they develop. Similar benefits would come to agriculture if there is a better understanding of the genetic basis of susceptibility to blights, rusts and pests. It may become possible to deter them genetically, and reduce dependence on chemicals. |
Global science would also benefit from a mapping project in one of the world's most diverse gene pools, which would provide data useful for the mapping of the spread and migration of a range of life forms in the Old World, from plants to humans. Traversing from the worlds tallest mountain range to warm seas through multiple bio-zones demarcated by climate and terrain, India could provide much information on the interplay of species and genetic groups within them. Eventually, a deeper understanding of ecology could emerge from the material thrown up. |
However, some caution must be exercised in the field of human genetics, because the life sciences sometimes stray into unscientific terrain and heighten political bias. The mapping of brain regions to mental functions spun off the utterly unscientific and racist field of phrenology. The work on cranial volume measurements of the physician Samuel Morton - regarded in America as the father of scientific racism-justified slavery before the US Civil War. In India, a nation riven by identity politics and obsessed with the myths of pristine origins and authenticity, scientific work in mapping genetic groups may become grist to the political mill of the unscientific notion of race. Projects in genetics generally extend over long periods of time, which should be used by makers of scientific policy to ensure that the data which emerges is not interpreted for political ends. |
The Genome India Project, a collaboration of 20 institutions including the Indian Institute of Science and some IITs, will enable new efficiencies in medicine, agriculture and the life sciences. The first obvious use would be in personalised medicine, anticipating diseases and modulating treatment according to the genome of patients. Several diseases develop through metabolic polymorphisms - the interplay of the environment with multiple genes, which differ across populations. For instance, one group may develop cancers and another may not, depending on the genetically-determined pathways by which they metabolise carcinogens. Cardiovascular disease generally leads to heart attacks in South Asians, but to strokes in most parts of Africa. If such propensities to disease can be mapped to variations across genomes, it is believed public health interventions can be targeted better, and diseases anticipated before they develop. Similar benefits would come to agriculture if there is a better understanding of the genetic basis of susceptibility to blights, rusts and pests. It may become possible to deter them genetically, and reduce dependence on chemicals. |
Global science would also benefit from a mapping project in one of the world's most diverse gene pools, which would provide data useful for the mapping of the spread and migration of a range of life forms in the Old World, from plants to humans. Traversing from the worlds tallest mountain range to warm seas through multiple bio-zones demarcated by climate and terrain, India could provide much information on the interplay of species and genetic groups within them. Eventually, a deeper understanding of ecology could emerge from the material thrown up. |
However, some caution must be exercised in the field of human genetics, because the life sciences sometimes stray into unscientific terrain and heighten political bias. The mapping of brain regions to mental functions spun off the utterly unscientific and racist field of phrenology. The work on cranial volume measurements of the physician Samuel Morton - regarded in America as the father of scientific racism-justified slavery before the US Civil War. In India, a nation riven by identity politics and obsessed with the myths of pristine origins and authenticity, scientific work in mapping genetic groups may become grist to the political mill of the unscientific notion of race. Projects in genetics generally extend over long periods of time, which should be used by makers of scientific policy to ensure that the data which emerges is not interpreted for political ends. |
The Genome India Project, a collaboration of 20 institutions including the Indian Institute of Science and some IITs, will enable new efficiencies in medicine, agriculture and the life sciences. The first obvious use would be in personalised medicine, anticipating diseases and modulating treatment according to the genome of patients. Several diseases develop through metabolic polymorphisms - the interplay of the environment with multiple genes, which differ across populations. For instance, one group may develop cancers and another may not, depending on the genetically-determined pathways by which they metabolise carcinogens. Cardiovascular disease generally leads to heart attacks in South Asians, but to strokes in most parts of Africa. If such propensities to disease can be mapped to variations across genomes, it is believed public health interventions can be targeted better, and diseases anticipated before they develop. Similar benefits would come to agriculture if there is a better understanding of the genetic basis of susceptibility to blights, rusts and pests. It may become possible to deter them genetically, and reduce dependence on chemicals. |
Global science would also benefit from a mapping project in one of the world's most diverse gene pools, which would provide data useful for the mapping of the spread and migration of a range of life forms in the Old World, from plants to humans. Traversing from the worlds tallest mountain range to warm seas through multiple bio-zones demarcated by climate and terrain, India could provide much information on the interplay of species and genetic groups within them. Eventually, a deeper understanding of ecology could emerge from the material thrown up. |
However, some caution must be exercised in the field of human genetics, because the life sciences sometimes stray into unscientific terrain and heighten political bias. The mapping of brain regions to mental functions spun off the utterly unscientific and racist field of phrenology. The work on cranial volume measurements of the physician Samuel Morton - regarded in America as the father of scientific racism-justified slavery before the US Civil War. In India, a nation riven by identity politics and obsessed with the myths of pristine origins and authenticity, scientific work in mapping genetic groups may become grist to the political mill of the unscientific notion of race. Projects in genetics generally extend over long periods of time, which should be used by makers of scientific policy to ensure that the data which emerges is not interpreted for political ends. |
That the US Senate would dismiss the impeachment of President Donald Trump initiated by the House of Representatives was never in doubt. But few had anticipated that it would come amid the president's rapidly rising political fortunes. The Democrats needed two-thirds of the 100-member Senate to pronounce the president "guilty" of abuse of power and obstructing Congress. Their hope lay in splitting the Republican majority of 53. They just about got one Republican Senator to support them on the first charge. With no other Republican defecting, the impeachment motion against Trump was easily defeated. The real objective of the Democrats was to extend the impeachment trial during the election season and delegitimise the Trump presidency. But they could not get a simple majority in the Senate to call additional witnesses to prolong the impeachment drama. |
The Democratic Party had never reconciled to Trump's unexpected victory in 2016. It has tried to undo the result by any means. Trump has not only survived but come out stronger from the battle, thanks to a thriving economy. His presidential ratings are now higher than those his predecessor Barack Obama enjoyed in the fourth year of his first term. One can argue if the methods Trump has used - gutting environmental regulations, tax cuts for the rich, and. trade wars against China and other major economic partners abroad - are wise and sustainable. For now, though, they have given Trump a great start for his campaign to retain the White House. |
Although elections are nearly eight months away. Trump's moment of triumph has coincided with political disarray in the Democratic Party. In the primary season that began this week in Iowa, Trump got nearly 97 per cent support among the Republicans but the Iowa Democrats could not even organise a quick count of the votes cast. When they did announce the results, the frontrunner, Joe Biden, a former vice president, ended in fourth place. Competing for the top slot were Ben-lie Sanders, a self-proclaimed socialist, and Pete Buttigieg, a former mayor of a small town in Indiana. While the Democrats might yet find an effective challenger, they have barely acknowledged, let alone come to terms with. Trump's potential to engineer a major realignment of American politics. His war against free trade has helped win support from the trade unions, normally a Democratic bastion. The sustained economic boom has encouraged Trump to make a bold bid for the support of the minorities - African-Americans and Hispanics - that traditionally vote against the Republicans. The much-derided Trump presidency, then, could well go down as a major turning point in America's political history. |
That the US Senate would dismiss the impeachment of President Donald Trump initiated by the House of Representatives was never in doubt. But few had anticipated that it would come amid the president's rapidly rising political fortunes. The Democrats needed two-thirds of the 100-member Senate to pronounce the president "guilty" of abuse of power and obstructing Congress. Their hope lay in splitting the Republican majority of 53. They just about got one Republican Senator to support them on the first charge. With no other Republican defecting, the impeachment motion against Trump was easily defeated. The real objective of the Democrats was to extend the impeachment trial during the election season and delegitimise the Trump presidency. But they could not get a simple majority in the Senate to call additional witnesses to prolong the impeachment drama. |
The Democratic Party had never reconciled to Trump's unexpected victory in 2016. It has tried to undo the result by any means. Trump has not only survived but come out stronger from the battle, thanks to a thriving economy. His presidential ratings are now higher than those his predecessor Barack Obama enjoyed in the fourth year of his first term. One can argue if the methods Trump has used - gutting environmental regulations, tax cuts for the rich, and. trade wars against China and other major economic partners abroad - are wise and sustainable. For now, though, they have given Trump a great start for his campaign to retain the White House. |
Although elections are nearly eight months away. Trump's moment of triumph has coincided with political disarray in the Democratic Party. In the primary season that began this week in Iowa, Trump got nearly 97 per cent support among the Republicans but the Iowa Democrats could not even organise a quick count of the votes cast. When they did announce the results, the frontrunner, Joe Biden, a former vice president, ended in fourth place. Competing for the top slot were Ben-lie Sanders, a self-proclaimed socialist, and Pete Buttigieg, a former mayor of a small town in Indiana. While the Democrats might yet find an effective challenger, they have barely acknowledged, let alone come to terms with. Trump's potential to engineer a major realignment of American politics. His war against free trade has helped win support from the trade unions, normally a Democratic bastion. The sustained economic boom has encouraged Trump to make a bold bid for the support of the minorities - African-Americans and Hispanics - that traditionally vote against the Republicans. The much-derided Trump presidency, then, could well go down as a major turning point in America's political history. |
That the US Senate would dismiss the impeachment of President Donald Trump initiated by the House of Representatives was never in doubt. But few had anticipated that it would come amid the president's rapidly rising political fortunes. The Democrats needed two-thirds of the 100-member Senate to pronounce the president "guilty" of abuse of power and obstructing Congress. Their hope lay in splitting the Republican majority of 53. They just about got one Republican Senator to support them on the first charge. With no other Republican defecting, the impeachment motion against Trump was easily defeated. The real objective of the Democrats was to extend the impeachment trial during the election season and delegitimise the Trump presidency. But they could not get a simple majority in the Senate to call additional witnesses to prolong the impeachment drama. |
The Democratic Party had never reconciled to Trump's unexpected victory in 2016. It has tried to undo the result by any means. Trump has not only survived but come out stronger from the battle, thanks to a thriving economy. His presidential ratings are now higher than those his predecessor Barack Obama enjoyed in the fourth year of his first term. One can argue if the methods Trump has used - gutting environmental regulations, tax cuts for the rich, and. trade wars against China and other major economic partners abroad - are wise and sustainable. For now, though, they have given Trump a great start for his campaign to retain the White House. |
Although elections are nearly eight months away. Trump's moment of triumph has coincided with political disarray in the Democratic Party. In the primary season that began this week in Iowa, Trump got nearly 97 per cent support among the Republicans but the Iowa Democrats could not even organise a quick count of the votes cast. When they did announce the results, the frontrunner, Joe Biden, a former vice president, ended in fourth place. Competing for the top slot were Ben-lie Sanders, a self-proclaimed socialist, and Pete Buttigieg, a former mayor of a small town in Indiana. While the Democrats might yet find an effective challenger, they have barely acknowledged, let alone come to terms with. Trump's potential to engineer a major realignment of American politics. His war against free trade has helped win support from the trade unions, normally a Democratic bastion. The sustained economic boom has encouraged Trump to make a bold bid for the support of the minorities - African-Americans and Hispanics - that traditionally vote against the Republicans. The much-derided Trump presidency, then, could well go down as a major turning point in America's political history. |
That the US Senate would dismiss the impeachment of President Donald Trump initiated by the House of Representatives was never in doubt. But few had anticipated that it would come amid the president's rapidly rising political fortunes. The Democrats needed two-thirds of the 100-member Senate to pronounce the president "guilty" of abuse of power and obstructing Congress. Their hope lay in splitting the Republican majority of 53. They just about got one Republican Senator to support them on the first charge. With no other Republican defecting, the impeachment motion against Trump was easily defeated. The real objective of the Democrats was to extend the impeachment trial during the election season and delegitimise the Trump presidency. But they could not get a simple majority in the Senate to call additional witnesses to prolong the impeachment drama. |
The Democratic Party had never reconciled to Trump's unexpected victory in 2016. It has tried to undo the result by any means. Trump has not only survived but come out stronger from the battle, thanks to a thriving economy. His presidential ratings are now higher than those his predecessor Barack Obama enjoyed in the fourth year of his first term. One can argue if the methods Trump has used - gutting environmental regulations, tax cuts for the rich, and. trade wars against China and other major economic partners abroad - are wise and sustainable. For now, though, they have given Trump a great start for his campaign to retain the White House. |
Although elections are nearly eight months away. Trump's moment of triumph has coincided with political disarray in the Democratic Party. In the primary season that began this week in Iowa, Trump got nearly 97 per cent support among the Republicans but the Iowa Democrats could not even organise a quick count of the votes cast. When they did announce the results, the frontrunner, Joe Biden, a former vice president, ended in fourth place. Competing for the top slot were Ben-lie Sanders, a self-proclaimed socialist, and Pete Buttigieg, a former mayor of a small town in Indiana. While the Democrats might yet find an effective challenger, they have barely acknowledged, let alone come to terms with. Trump's potential to engineer a major realignment of American politics. His war against free trade has helped win support from the trade unions, normally a Democratic bastion. The sustained economic boom has encouraged Trump to make a bold bid for the support of the minorities - African-Americans and Hispanics - that traditionally vote against the Republicans. The much-derided Trump presidency, then, could well go down as a major turning point in America's political history. |
That the US Senate would dismiss the impeachment of President Donald Trump initiated by the House of Representatives was never in doubt. But few had anticipated that it would come amid the president's rapidly rising political fortunes. The Democrats needed two-thirds of the 100-member Senate to pronounce the president "guilty" of abuse of power and obstructing Congress. Their hope lay in splitting the Republican majority of 53. They just about got one Republican Senator to support them on the first charge. With no other Republican defecting, the impeachment motion against Trump was easily defeated. The real objective of the Democrats was to extend the impeachment trial during the election season and delegitimise the Trump presidency. But they could not get a simple majority in the Senate to call additional witnesses to prolong the impeachment drama. |
The Democratic Party had never reconciled to Trump's unexpected victory in 2016. It has tried to undo the result by any means. Trump has not only survived but come out stronger from the battle, thanks to a thriving economy. His presidential ratings are now higher than those his predecessor Barack Obama enjoyed in the fourth year of his first term. One can argue if the methods Trump has used - gutting environmental regulations, tax cuts for the rich, and. trade wars against China and other major economic partners abroad - are wise and sustainable. For now, though, they have given Trump a great start for his campaign to retain the White House. |
Although elections are nearly eight months away. Trump's moment of triumph has coincided with political disarray in the Democratic Party. In the primary season that began this week in Iowa, Trump got nearly 97 per cent support among the Republicans but the Iowa Democrats could not even organise a quick count of the votes cast. When they did announce the results, the frontrunner, Joe Biden, a former vice president, ended in fourth place. Competing for the top slot were Ben-lie Sanders, a self-proclaimed socialist, and Pete Buttigieg, a former mayor of a small town in Indiana. While the Democrats might yet find an effective challenger, they have barely acknowledged, let alone come to terms with. Trump's potential to engineer a major realignment of American politics. His war against free trade has helped win support from the trade unions, normally a Democratic bastion. The sustained economic boom has encouraged Trump to make a bold bid for the support of the minorities - African-Americans and Hispanics - that traditionally vote against the Republicans. The much-derided Trump presidency, then, could well go down as a major turning point in America's political history. |
The Centre has acted unconscionably in extending the custody of two former chief ministers of Jammu & Kashmir and two other politicians of the former state under the Public Safety Act, as their continued detention under CrPC 107/151 was becoming untenable after the passage of six months. The draconian Jammu & Kashmir Public Safety Act, 1978 is a preventive detention law, used against those from whom the authorities fear a threat to "the security of the state or the maintenance of the public order". |
Those arrested under this law can be held for up to two years, need not be produced before a magistrate within 24 hours, cannot apply for bail in a criminal court, and cannot engage a lawyer to challenge the arrest. The government has not said what threat mainstream Kashmiri politicians, including former chief ministers Omar Abdullah and Mehbooba Mufti, pose to national security. Certainly, no such threat was perceived when Abdullah and his father, Farooq Abdullah, also a former chief minister and serving Lok Sabha member - he has now spent four months as a PSA prisoner - called on Prime Minister Narendra Modi on August 1, just two days before the government stripped J&K of its special status and bifurcated it into two UTs. What is becoming increasingly clear, though, is that for all their claims that the August 5 decision is popular in J&K, Prime Minister Modi and his government are afraid to put this to a democratic test. |
The Modi government's "new Kashmir" does not appear to have space for established J&K politicians who could challenge its plans. With each passing day, the government lowers the bar of democratic conduct further by acting with impunity. Its actions in Kashmir belie the claim of "normalcy restored in the Valley" that ministers routinely parrot. Indeed, no place can be normal when its elected leaders are imprisoned only for opposing the government's policies, and when its people do not have the means to access or disseminate information because of a communications blockade which has been relaxed in name only. |
How long can the government continue with this? And what are the consequences of these actions? |
Whatever the PM may say about them now, mainstream political parties like Abdullah's National Conference and Mufti's People's Democratic Party were the Centre's allies in the difficult terrain that Kashmir continues to be. The government may have served narrow political considerations by removing them from the scene, but it is not serving India's interests. Such actions erode the foundations of a federal democracy, and will leave long-lasting damage - if they have not done so already - that will be hard to repair. It is disquieting that there is no concerted voice of protest from other political parties for the unconditional release of all politicians who remain in detention in Kashmir. |
The Centre has acted unconscionably in extending the custody of two former chief ministers of Jammu & Kashmir and two other politicians of the former state under the Public Safety Act, as their continued detention under CrPC 107/151 was becoming untenable after the passage of six months. The draconian Jammu & Kashmir Public Safety Act, 1978 is a preventive detention law, used against those from whom the authorities fear a threat to "the security of the state or the maintenance of the public order". |
Those arrested under this law can be held for up to two years, need not be produced before a magistrate within 24 hours, cannot apply for bail in a criminal court, and cannot engage a lawyer to challenge the arrest. The government has not said what threat mainstream Kashmiri politicians, including former chief ministers Omar Abdullah and Mehbooba Mufti, pose to national security. Certainly, no such threat was perceived when Abdullah and his father, Farooq Abdullah, also a former chief minister and serving Lok Sabha member - he has now spent four months as a PSA prisoner - called on Prime Minister Narendra Modi on August 1, just two days before the government stripped J&K of its special status and bifurcated it into two UTs. What is becoming increasingly clear, though, is that for all their claims that the August 5 decision is popular in J&K, Prime Minister Modi and his government are afraid to put this to a democratic test. |
The Modi government's "new Kashmir" does not appear to have space for established J&K politicians who could challenge its plans. With each passing day, the government lowers the bar of democratic conduct further by acting with impunity. Its actions in Kashmir belie the claim of "normalcy restored in the Valley" that ministers routinely parrot. Indeed, no place can be normal when its elected leaders are imprisoned only for opposing the government's policies, and when its people do not have the means to access or disseminate information because of a communications blockade which has been relaxed in name only. |
How long can the government continue with this? And what are the consequences of these actions? |
Whatever the PM may say about them now, mainstream political parties like Abdullah's National Conference and Mufti's People's Democratic Party were the Centre's allies in the difficult terrain that Kashmir continues to be. The government may have served narrow political considerations by removing them from the scene, but it is not serving India's interests. Such actions erode the foundations of a federal democracy, and will leave long-lasting damage - if they have not done so already - that will be hard to repair. It is disquieting that there is no concerted voice of protest from other political parties for the unconditional release of all politicians who remain in detention in Kashmir. |
The Centre has acted unconscionably in extending the custody of two former chief ministers of Jammu & Kashmir and two other politicians of the former state under the Public Safety Act, as their continued detention under CrPC 107/151 was becoming untenable after the passage of six months. The draconian Jammu & Kashmir Public Safety Act, 1978 is a preventive detention law, used against those from whom the authorities fear a threat to "the security of the state or the maintenance of the public order". |
Those arrested under this law can be held for up to two years, need not be produced before a magistrate within 24 hours, cannot apply for bail in a criminal court, and cannot engage a lawyer to challenge the arrest. The government has not said what threat mainstream Kashmiri politicians, including former chief ministers Omar Abdullah and Mehbooba Mufti, pose to national security. Certainly, no such threat was perceived when Abdullah and his father, Farooq Abdullah, also a former chief minister and serving Lok Sabha member - he has now spent four months as a PSA prisoner - called on Prime Minister Narendra Modi on August 1, just two days before the government stripped J&K of its special status and bifurcated it into two UTs. What is becoming increasingly clear, though, is that for all their claims that the August 5 decision is popular in J&K, Prime Minister Modi and his government are afraid to put this to a democratic test. |
The Modi government's "new Kashmir" does not appear to have space for established J&K politicians who could challenge its plans. With each passing day, the government lowers the bar of democratic conduct further by acting with impunity. Its actions in Kashmir belie the claim of "normalcy restored in the Valley" that ministers routinely parrot. Indeed, no place can be normal when its elected leaders are imprisoned only for opposing the government's policies, and when its people do not have the means to access or disseminate information because of a communications blockade which has been relaxed in name only. |
How long can the government continue with this? And what are the consequences of these actions? |
Whatever the PM may say about them now, mainstream political parties like Abdullah's National Conference and Mufti's People's Democratic Party were the Centre's allies in the difficult terrain that Kashmir continues to be. The government may have served narrow political considerations by removing them from the scene, but it is not serving India's interests. Such actions erode the foundations of a federal democracy, and will leave long-lasting damage - if they have not done so already - that will be hard to repair. It is disquieting that there is no concerted voice of protest from other political parties for the unconditional release of all politicians who remain in detention in Kashmir. |
The Centre has acted unconscionably in extending the custody of two former chief ministers of Jammu & Kashmir and two other politicians of the former state under the Public Safety Act, as their continued detention under CrPC 107/151 was becoming untenable after the passage of six months. The draconian Jammu & Kashmir Public Safety Act, 1978 is a preventive detention law, used against those from whom the authorities fear a threat to "the security of the state or the maintenance of the public order". |
Those arrested under this law can be held for up to two years, need not be produced before a magistrate within 24 hours, cannot apply for bail in a criminal court, and cannot engage a lawyer to challenge the arrest. The government has not said what threat mainstream Kashmiri politicians, including former chief ministers Omar Abdullah and Mehbooba Mufti, pose to national security. Certainly, no such threat was perceived when Abdullah and his father, Farooq Abdullah, also a former chief minister and serving Lok Sabha member - he has now spent four months as a PSA prisoner - called on Prime Minister Narendra Modi on August 1, just two days before the government stripped J&K of its special status and bifurcated it into two UTs. What is becoming increasingly clear, though, is that for all their claims that the August 5 decision is popular in J&K, Prime Minister Modi and his government are afraid to put this to a democratic test. |
The Modi government's "new Kashmir" does not appear to have space for established J&K politicians who could challenge its plans. With each passing day, the government lowers the bar of democratic conduct further by acting with impunity. Its actions in Kashmir belie the claim of "normalcy restored in the Valley" that ministers routinely parrot. Indeed, no place can be normal when its elected leaders are imprisoned only for opposing the government's policies, and when its people do not have the means to access or disseminate information because of a communications blockade which has been relaxed in name only. |
How long can the government continue with this? And what are the consequences of these actions? |
Whatever the PM may say about them now, mainstream political parties like Abdullah's National Conference and Mufti's People's Democratic Party were the Centre's allies in the difficult terrain that Kashmir continues to be. The government may have served narrow political considerations by removing them from the scene, but it is not serving India's interests. Such actions erode the foundations of a federal democracy, and will leave long-lasting damage - if they have not done so already - that will be hard to repair. It is disquieting that there is no concerted voice of protest from other political parties for the unconditional release of all politicians who remain in detention in Kashmir. |
The Centre has acted unconscionably in extending the custody of two former chief ministers of Jammu & Kashmir and two other politicians of the former state under the Public Safety Act, as their continued detention under CrPC 107/151 was becoming untenable after the passage of six months. The draconian Jammu & Kashmir Public Safety Act, 1978 is a preventive detention law, used against those from whom the authorities fear a threat to "the security of the state or the maintenance of the public order". |
Those arrested under this law can be held for up to two years, need not be produced before a magistrate within 24 hours, cannot apply for bail in a criminal court, and cannot engage a lawyer to challenge the arrest. The government has not said what threat mainstream Kashmiri politicians, including former chief ministers Omar Abdullah and Mehbooba Mufti, pose to national security. Certainly, no such threat was perceived when Abdullah and his father, Farooq Abdullah, also a former chief minister and serving Lok Sabha member - he has now spent four months as a PSA prisoner - called on Prime Minister Narendra Modi on August 1, just two days before the government stripped J&K of its special status and bifurcated it into two UTs. What is becoming increasingly clear, though, is that for all their claims that the August 5 decision is popular in J&K, Prime Minister Modi and his government are afraid to put this to a democratic test. |
The Modi government's "new Kashmir" does not appear to have space for established J&K politicians who could challenge its plans. With each passing day, the government lowers the bar of democratic conduct further by acting with impunity. Its actions in Kashmir belie the claim of "normalcy restored in the Valley" that ministers routinely parrot. Indeed, no place can be normal when its elected leaders are imprisoned only for opposing the government's policies, and when its people do not have the means to access or disseminate information because of a communications blockade which has been relaxed in name only. |
How long can the government continue with this? And what are the consequences of these actions? |
Whatever the PM may say about them now, mainstream political parties like Abdullah's National Conference and Mufti's People's Democratic Party were the Centre's allies in the difficult terrain that Kashmir continues to be. The government may have served narrow political considerations by removing them from the scene, but it is not serving India's interests. Such actions erode the foundations of a federal democracy, and will leave long-lasting damage - if they have not done so already - that will be hard to repair. It is disquieting that there is no concerted voice of protest from other political parties for the unconditional release of all politicians who remain in detention in Kashmir. |
It is reasonable to surmise an economic policy is a mess when all the stakeholders are unhappy. The continuing disgruntlement over onion prices and policy is a manifestation of the larger failings of agricultural policy. Even as onion prices in wholesale markets have begun to drop, retail prices remain sticky. The distorted market signals nudge the government to continue with its ill-advised ban on exports, thereby hurting farmers. Neither farmers nor consumers are pleased and agriculture remains the slowest growing segment of the economy. |
Another area where Indias static agricultural policy has become counterproductive is the cereal procurement system, particularly that of wheat and rice. Government warehouses are overflowing with these cereal stocks; it was 81% in excess of the buffer norms in July last year. Food subsidy has become a drag on government finances as the PDS issue price for rice and wheat have remained unchanged since 2013 and cover less than 10% of the economic cost of procurement. Unfortunately, inefficiency in distributing cereals means that a growing food subsidy budget has been accompanied by an increase in grains locked up in warehouses. The adverse fallout spans groundwater depletion as well as aversion to diversifying cropping patterns. |
Agriculture continues to be the biggest source of livelihood even if it's the slowest growing sector. This can change with a better set of policies in which states play a role. To begin with, government must reform its procurement system. It can start by following through on the suggestion of the Commission for Agricultural Costs and Prices to review open-ended procurement and end the habit of some states declaring a bonus over MSP. This combination nudges farmers to avoid crop diversification and thereby distortions continue. While the procurement policy tweaks can be done quickly, the more far reaching change will be in other areas. |
About 80% of agricultural investment comes from farm households. Consequently, farmers directly bear most of the risks in a period characterised by extreme climatic events. This can be changed by encouraging private corporate investment which today contributes about 3% of the investment. The risks can then be spread among entities better equipped to mitigate them. Small and marginal farmers will be the biggest beneficiaries if they are linked through fewer intermediaries to the changing needs of the retail consumer. Two urgent changes which will catalyse transformation are digitisation of land records and smarter land leasing laws. |
It is reasonable to surmise an economic policy is a mess when all the stakeholders are unhappy. The continuing disgruntlement over onion prices and policy is a manifestation of the larger failings of agricultural policy. Even as onion prices in wholesale markets have begun to drop, retail prices remain sticky. The distorted market signals nudge the government to continue with its ill-advised ban on exports, thereby hurting farmers. Neither farmers nor consumers are pleased and agriculture remains the slowest growing segment of the economy. |
Another area where Indias static agricultural policy has become counterproductive is the cereal procurement system, particularly that of wheat and rice. Government warehouses are overflowing with these cereal stocks; it was 81% in excess of the buffer norms in July last year. Food subsidy has become a drag on government finances as the PDS issue price for rice and wheat have remained unchanged since 2013 and cover less than 10% of the economic cost of procurement. Unfortunately, inefficiency in distributing cereals means that a growing food subsidy budget has been accompanied by an increase in grains locked up in warehouses. The adverse fallout spans groundwater depletion as well as aversion to diversifying cropping patterns. |
Agriculture continues to be the biggest source of livelihood even if it's the slowest growing sector. This can change with a better set of policies in which states play a role. To begin with, government must reform its procurement system. It can start by following through on the suggestion of the Commission for Agricultural Costs and Prices to review open-ended procurement and end the habit of some states declaring a bonus over MSP. This combination nudges farmers to avoid crop diversification and thereby distortions continue. While the procurement policy tweaks can be done quickly, the more far reaching change will be in other areas. |
About 80% of agricultural investment comes from farm households. Consequently, farmers directly bear most of the risks in a period characterised by extreme climatic events. This can be changed by encouraging private corporate investment which today contributes about 3% of the investment. The risks can then be spread among entities better equipped to mitigate them. Small and marginal farmers will be the biggest beneficiaries if they are linked through fewer intermediaries to the changing needs of the retail consumer. Two urgent changes which will catalyse transformation are digitisation of land records and smarter land leasing laws. |
It is reasonable to surmise an economic policy is a mess when all the stakeholders are unhappy. The continuing disgruntlement over onion prices and policy is a manifestation of the larger failings of agricultural policy. Even as onion prices in wholesale markets have begun to drop, retail prices remain sticky. The distorted market signals nudge the government to continue with its ill-advised ban on exports, thereby hurting farmers. Neither farmers nor consumers are pleased and agriculture remains the slowest growing segment of the economy. |
Another area where Indias static agricultural policy has become counterproductive is the cereal procurement system, particularly that of wheat and rice. Government warehouses are overflowing with these cereal stocks; it was 81% in excess of the buffer norms in July last year. Food subsidy has become a drag on government finances as the PDS issue price for rice and wheat have remained unchanged since 2013 and cover less than 10% of the economic cost of procurement. Unfortunately, inefficiency in distributing cereals means that a growing food subsidy budget has been accompanied by an increase in grains locked up in warehouses. The adverse fallout spans groundwater depletion as well as aversion to diversifying cropping patterns. |
Agriculture continues to be the biggest source of livelihood even if it's the slowest growing sector. This can change with a better set of policies in which states play a role. To begin with, government must reform its procurement system. It can start by following through on the suggestion of the Commission for Agricultural Costs and Prices to review open-ended procurement and end the habit of some states declaring a bonus over MSP. This combination nudges farmers to avoid crop diversification and thereby distortions continue. While the procurement policy tweaks can be done quickly, the more far reaching change will be in other areas. |
About 80% of agricultural investment comes from farm households. Consequently, farmers directly bear most of the risks in a period characterised by extreme climatic events. This can be changed by encouraging private corporate investment which today contributes about 3% of the investment. The risks can then be spread among entities better equipped to mitigate them. Small and marginal farmers will be the biggest beneficiaries if they are linked through fewer intermediaries to the changing needs of the retail consumer. Two urgent changes which will catalyse transformation are digitisation of land records and smarter land leasing laws. |
It is reasonable to surmise an economic policy is a mess when all the stakeholders are unhappy. The continuing disgruntlement over onion prices and policy is a manifestation of the larger failings of agricultural policy. Even as onion prices in wholesale markets have begun to drop, retail prices remain sticky. The distorted market signals nudge the government to continue with its ill-advised ban on exports, thereby hurting farmers. Neither farmers nor consumers are pleased and agriculture remains the slowest growing segment of the economy. |
Another area where Indias static agricultural policy has become counterproductive is the cereal procurement system, particularly that of wheat and rice. Government warehouses are overflowing with these cereal stocks; it was 81% in excess of the buffer norms in July last year. Food subsidy has become a drag on government finances as the PDS issue price for rice and wheat have remained unchanged since 2013 and cover less than 10% of the economic cost of procurement. Unfortunately, inefficiency in distributing cereals means that a growing food subsidy budget has been accompanied by an increase in grains locked up in warehouses. The adverse fallout spans groundwater depletion as well as aversion to diversifying cropping patterns. |
Agriculture continues to be the biggest source of livelihood even if it's the slowest growing sector. This can change with a better set of policies in which states play a role. To begin with, government must reform its procurement system. It can start by following through on the suggestion of the Commission for Agricultural Costs and Prices to review open-ended procurement and end the habit of some states declaring a bonus over MSP. This combination nudges farmers to avoid crop diversification and thereby distortions continue. While the procurement policy tweaks can be done quickly, the more far reaching change will be in other areas. |
About 80% of agricultural investment comes from farm households. Consequently, farmers directly bear most of the risks in a period characterised by extreme climatic events. This can be changed by encouraging private corporate investment which today contributes about 3% of the investment. The risks can then be spread among entities better equipped to mitigate them. Small and marginal farmers will be the biggest beneficiaries if they are linked through fewer intermediaries to the changing needs of the retail consumer. Two urgent changes which will catalyse transformation are digitisation of land records and smarter land leasing laws. |
It is reasonable to surmise an economic policy is a mess when all the stakeholders are unhappy. The continuing disgruntlement over onion prices and policy is a manifestation of the larger failings of agricultural policy. Even as onion prices in wholesale markets have begun to drop, retail prices remain sticky. The distorted market signals nudge the government to continue with its ill-advised ban on exports, thereby hurting farmers. Neither farmers nor consumers are pleased and agriculture remains the slowest growing segment of the economy. |
Another area where Indias static agricultural policy has become counterproductive is the cereal procurement system, particularly that of wheat and rice. Government warehouses are overflowing with these cereal stocks; it was 81% in excess of the buffer norms in July last year. Food subsidy has become a drag on government finances as the PDS issue price for rice and wheat have remained unchanged since 2013 and cover less than 10% of the economic cost of procurement. Unfortunately, inefficiency in distributing cereals means that a growing food subsidy budget has been accompanied by an increase in grains locked up in warehouses. The adverse fallout spans groundwater depletion as well as aversion to diversifying cropping patterns. |
Agriculture continues to be the biggest source of livelihood even if it's the slowest growing sector. This can change with a better set of policies in which states play a role. To begin with, government must reform its procurement system. It can start by following through on the suggestion of the Commission for Agricultural Costs and Prices to review open-ended procurement and end the habit of some states declaring a bonus over MSP. This combination nudges farmers to avoid crop diversification and thereby distortions continue. While the procurement policy tweaks can be done quickly, the more far reaching change will be in other areas. |
About 80% of agricultural investment comes from farm households. Consequently, farmers directly bear most of the risks in a period characterised by extreme climatic events. This can be changed by encouraging private corporate investment which today contributes about 3% of the investment. The risks can then be spread among entities better equipped to mitigate them. Small and marginal farmers will be the biggest beneficiaries if they are linked through fewer intermediaries to the changing needs of the retail consumer. Two urgent changes which will catalyse transformation are digitisation of land records and smarter land leasing laws. |
Its not just the obvious things - food and language - that make Lahore and Karachi feel almost like home. At the gym at the Sheraton in Lahore I encountered a hugely overweight man who spent a desultory half hour on the exercise bike while glued to his phone. Perhaps this is a familiar sight in other countries too, but the only other place where I've witnessed this check-the-box approach to a workout is India. Moral of the story: its easier to redraw national borders than to change mental habits. |
Needless to say, not everything is familiar. In privileged pockets of Pakistan, the availability of alcohol at a party creates a frisson of excitement absent in India, where the well-off take the availability of wine or vodka or Scotch for granted. And despite the shared language, theres always room for verbal miscues. "We don't say 'bina', we say 'baghair', warns a friend as I order tea for us in Lahore. "You're outing yourself." |
Not surprisingly, Pakistan feels much more religious than India. Pakistani liberals bemoan the gradual replacement of the Persian "khuda hafiz" for goodbye with the harder-edged "Allah hafiz". But on the street, at least in Lahore, the latter appears to have triumphed. The default greeting - even at a hotel that's part of an international chain - is not the secular "good morning" or its equivalent, but "assalam aleikum". Rooms come equipped with prayer mats. God is everywhere. |
Cliches about the warmth of Pakistani hospitality are true. But you can also encounter kindness among ordinary Pakistanis that has nothing to do with a culture of looking after your guests. At the Pakistan International Airlines counter in Lahore, a young man helpfully suggests that I check my carry-on bag at the gate to avoid paying for excess baggage. In the Indian imagination, particularly on the Hindu Right, Pakistan brings to mind only fanaticism and violence. But a visitor can experience it instead as a land of many small kindnesses. |
The Indian view of Pakistan is increasingly shaped by a kind of national hysteria, an inability to view the country dispassionately as a geographical space that happens to be inhabited by a kindred people whose ancestors were Indians. In general, educated Pakistanis are less ignorant about India than their Indian counterparts are about Pakistan. (They are alarmingly up-to-date on Bollywood gossip.) But here too distortions abound. For Pakistanis, India is north India. Indian politics is the politics of the Hindi heartland. |
Its not just the obvious things - food and language - that make Lahore and Karachi feel almost like home. At the gym at the Sheraton in Lahore I encountered a hugely overweight man who spent a desultory half hour on the exercise bike while glued to his phone. Perhaps this is a familiar sight in other countries too, but the only other place where I've witnessed this check-the-box approach to a workout is India. Moral of the story: its easier to redraw national borders than to change mental habits. |
Needless to say, not everything is familiar. In privileged pockets of Pakistan, the availability of alcohol at a party creates a frisson of excitement absent in India, where the well-off take the availability of wine or vodka or Scotch for granted. And despite the shared language, theres always room for verbal miscues. "We don't say 'bina', we say 'baghair', warns a friend as I order tea for us in Lahore. "You're outing yourself." |
Not surprisingly, Pakistan feels much more religious than India. Pakistani liberals bemoan the gradual replacement of the Persian "khuda hafiz" for goodbye with the harder-edged "Allah hafiz". But on the street, at least in Lahore, the latter appears to have triumphed. The default greeting - even at a hotel that's part of an international chain - is not the secular "good morning" or its equivalent, but "assalam aleikum". Rooms come equipped with prayer mats. God is everywhere. |
Cliches about the warmth of Pakistani hospitality are true. But you can also encounter kindness among ordinary Pakistanis that has nothing to do with a culture of looking after your guests. At the Pakistan International Airlines counter in Lahore, a young man helpfully suggests that I check my carry-on bag at the gate to avoid paying for excess baggage. In the Indian imagination, particularly on the Hindu Right, Pakistan brings to mind only fanaticism and violence. But a visitor can experience it instead as a land of many small kindnesses. |
The Indian view of Pakistan is increasingly shaped by a kind of national hysteria, an inability to view the country dispassionately as a geographical space that happens to be inhabited by a kindred people whose ancestors were Indians. In general, educated Pakistanis are less ignorant about India than their Indian counterparts are about Pakistan. (They are alarmingly up-to-date on Bollywood gossip.) But here too distortions abound. For Pakistanis, India is north India. Indian politics is the politics of the Hindi heartland. |
Its not just the obvious things - food and language - that make Lahore and Karachi feel almost like home. At the gym at the Sheraton in Lahore I encountered a hugely overweight man who spent a desultory half hour on the exercise bike while glued to his phone. Perhaps this is a familiar sight in other countries too, but the only other place where I've witnessed this check-the-box approach to a workout is India. Moral of the story: its easier to redraw national borders than to change mental habits. |
Needless to say, not everything is familiar. In privileged pockets of Pakistan, the availability of alcohol at a party creates a frisson of excitement absent in India, where the well-off take the availability of wine or vodka or Scotch for granted. And despite the shared language, theres always room for verbal miscues. "We don't say 'bina', we say 'baghair', warns a friend as I order tea for us in Lahore. "You're outing yourself." |
Not surprisingly, Pakistan feels much more religious than India. Pakistani liberals bemoan the gradual replacement of the Persian "khuda hafiz" for goodbye with the harder-edged "Allah hafiz". But on the street, at least in Lahore, the latter appears to have triumphed. The default greeting - even at a hotel that's part of an international chain - is not the secular "good morning" or its equivalent, but "assalam aleikum". Rooms come equipped with prayer mats. God is everywhere. |
Cliches about the warmth of Pakistani hospitality are true. But you can also encounter kindness among ordinary Pakistanis that has nothing to do with a culture of looking after your guests. At the Pakistan International Airlines counter in Lahore, a young man helpfully suggests that I check my carry-on bag at the gate to avoid paying for excess baggage. In the Indian imagination, particularly on the Hindu Right, Pakistan brings to mind only fanaticism and violence. But a visitor can experience it instead as a land of many small kindnesses. |
The Indian view of Pakistan is increasingly shaped by a kind of national hysteria, an inability to view the country dispassionately as a geographical space that happens to be inhabited by a kindred people whose ancestors were Indians. In general, educated Pakistanis are less ignorant about India than their Indian counterparts are about Pakistan. (They are alarmingly up-to-date on Bollywood gossip.) But here too distortions abound. For Pakistanis, India is north India. Indian politics is the politics of the Hindi heartland. |
Its not just the obvious things - food and language - that make Lahore and Karachi feel almost like home. At the gym at the Sheraton in Lahore I encountered a hugely overweight man who spent a desultory half hour on the exercise bike while glued to his phone. Perhaps this is a familiar sight in other countries too, but the only other place where I've witnessed this check-the-box approach to a workout is India. Moral of the story: its easier to redraw national borders than to change mental habits. |
Needless to say, not everything is familiar. In privileged pockets of Pakistan, the availability of alcohol at a party creates a frisson of excitement absent in India, where the well-off take the availability of wine or vodka or Scotch for granted. And despite the shared language, theres always room for verbal miscues. "We don't say 'bina', we say 'baghair', warns a friend as I order tea for us in Lahore. "You're outing yourself." |
Not surprisingly, Pakistan feels much more religious than India. Pakistani liberals bemoan the gradual replacement of the Persian "khuda hafiz" for goodbye with the harder-edged "Allah hafiz". But on the street, at least in Lahore, the latter appears to have triumphed. The default greeting - even at a hotel that's part of an international chain - is not the secular "good morning" or its equivalent, but "assalam aleikum". Rooms come equipped with prayer mats. God is everywhere. |
Cliches about the warmth of Pakistani hospitality are true. But you can also encounter kindness among ordinary Pakistanis that has nothing to do with a culture of looking after your guests. At the Pakistan International Airlines counter in Lahore, a young man helpfully suggests that I check my carry-on bag at the gate to avoid paying for excess baggage. In the Indian imagination, particularly on the Hindu Right, Pakistan brings to mind only fanaticism and violence. But a visitor can experience it instead as a land of many small kindnesses. |
The Indian view of Pakistan is increasingly shaped by a kind of national hysteria, an inability to view the country dispassionately as a geographical space that happens to be inhabited by a kindred people whose ancestors were Indians. In general, educated Pakistanis are less ignorant about India than their Indian counterparts are about Pakistan. (They are alarmingly up-to-date on Bollywood gossip.) But here too distortions abound. For Pakistanis, India is north India. Indian politics is the politics of the Hindi heartland. |
Its not just the obvious things - food and language - that make Lahore and Karachi feel almost like home. At the gym at the Sheraton in Lahore I encountered a hugely overweight man who spent a desultory half hour on the exercise bike while glued to his phone. Perhaps this is a familiar sight in other countries too, but the only other place where I've witnessed this check-the-box approach to a workout is India. Moral of the story: its easier to redraw national borders than to change mental habits. |
Needless to say, not everything is familiar. In privileged pockets of Pakistan, the availability of alcohol at a party creates a frisson of excitement absent in India, where the well-off take the availability of wine or vodka or Scotch for granted. And despite the shared language, theres always room for verbal miscues. "We don't say 'bina', we say 'baghair', warns a friend as I order tea for us in Lahore. "You're outing yourself." |
Not surprisingly, Pakistan feels much more religious than India. Pakistani liberals bemoan the gradual replacement of the Persian "khuda hafiz" for goodbye with the harder-edged "Allah hafiz". But on the street, at least in Lahore, the latter appears to have triumphed. The default greeting - even at a hotel that's part of an international chain - is not the secular "good morning" or its equivalent, but "assalam aleikum". Rooms come equipped with prayer mats. God is everywhere. |
Cliches about the warmth of Pakistani hospitality are true. But you can also encounter kindness among ordinary Pakistanis that has nothing to do with a culture of looking after your guests. At the Pakistan International Airlines counter in Lahore, a young man helpfully suggests that I check my carry-on bag at the gate to avoid paying for excess baggage. In the Indian imagination, particularly on the Hindu Right, Pakistan brings to mind only fanaticism and violence. But a visitor can experience it instead as a land of many small kindnesses. |
The Indian view of Pakistan is increasingly shaped by a kind of national hysteria, an inability to view the country dispassionately as a geographical space that happens to be inhabited by a kindred people whose ancestors were Indians. In general, educated Pakistanis are less ignorant about India than their Indian counterparts are about Pakistan. (They are alarmingly up-to-date on Bollywood gossip.) But here too distortions abound. For Pakistanis, India is north India. Indian politics is the politics of the Hindi heartland. |
In Lahore the idea of an impending war looms large, even among sober people who view it with trepidation rather than longing. The novelist Mohsin Hamid tells me this is because of proximity to the border. For a Lahori, a dip in India-Pakistan relations can mean more men in army fatigues on the streets. If you're in Delhi or Mumbai life goes on as usual. Geopolitics does not intersect with daily life in quite the same way. |
Some of Pakistan's beleaguered liberals - a brave but dwindling species - look upon India's turn toward hardline Hindu nationalism more with sorrow than anger. They feel robbed of their best argument - that for all its flaws India showed that civil liberties and democratic norms could thrive even on the subcontinent. Under Modi, Indian visas have all but dried up for Pakistanis, even for known peaceniks who have visited India many times. In the past, the Pakistani army tried to discourage people from visiting "enemy territory". Now the Indian government does their job for them. |
But it's not all just regret and longing for gentler times. There's schadenfreude too. The idea that the likes of the venomous Yogi Adityanath represent the true face of India is common in Pakistan. As the argument goes, Indian secularism was always a charade. The only difference is that the Modi government doesnt bother to dress up reality. This may strike an Indian as an absurd distortion of the truth, but in Pakistan its widely believed. |
The Narendra Modi government prides itself on restoring hard-bitten realism to Indian foreign policy - no more empty posturing of the Nehruvian variety. Judged by this yardstick. New Delhi's Pakistan policy is a disaster. It appears to be based on a combination of hubris and hatred that are the opposite of realism. |
On television, Indians are fed a diet of jingoism that is detached from reality. For instance, while Pakistan's global influence may have declined precipitously - in large measure because of its sclerotic economy - the idea that India can isolate a nuclear-armed nation with more than 200-million people is preposterous. As things stand, Pakistan enjoys a strong relationship with China, has largely repaired its once strained relations with America, and is open to overtures from Russia. |
Perhaps one day the politicians who run India and the generals who run Pakistan will feel secure enough to allow Indians and Pakistanis to visit each other freely and experience each other's countries for themselves. Until such contact becomes commonplace, the odds of South Asia becoming more like Southeast Asia - united by economics rather than divided by politics - remain vanishingly slim. |
In Lahore the idea of an impending war looms large, even among sober people who view it with trepidation rather than longing. The novelist Mohsin Hamid tells me this is because of proximity to the border. For a Lahori, a dip in India-Pakistan relations can mean more men in army fatigues on the streets. If you're in Delhi or Mumbai life goes on as usual. Geopolitics does not intersect with daily life in quite the same way. |
Some of Pakistan's beleaguered liberals - a brave but dwindling species - look upon India's turn toward hardline Hindu nationalism more with sorrow than anger. They feel robbed of their best argument - that for all its flaws India showed that civil liberties and democratic norms could thrive even on the subcontinent. Under Modi, Indian visas have all but dried up for Pakistanis, even for known peaceniks who have visited India many times. In the past, the Pakistani army tried to discourage people from visiting "enemy territory". Now the Indian government does their job for them. |
But it's not all just regret and longing for gentler times. There's schadenfreude too. The idea that the likes of the venomous Yogi Adityanath represent the true face of India is common in Pakistan. As the argument goes, Indian secularism was always a charade. The only difference is that the Modi government doesnt bother to dress up reality. This may strike an Indian as an absurd distortion of the truth, but in Pakistan its widely believed. |
The Narendra Modi government prides itself on restoring hard-bitten realism to Indian foreign policy - no more empty posturing of the Nehruvian variety. Judged by this yardstick. New Delhi's Pakistan policy is a disaster. It appears to be based on a combination of hubris and hatred that are the opposite of realism. |
On television, Indians are fed a diet of jingoism that is detached from reality. For instance, while Pakistan's global influence may have declined precipitously - in large measure because of its sclerotic economy - the idea that India can isolate a nuclear-armed nation with more than 200-million people is preposterous. As things stand, Pakistan enjoys a strong relationship with China, has largely repaired its once strained relations with America, and is open to overtures from Russia. |
Perhaps one day the politicians who run India and the generals who run Pakistan will feel secure enough to allow Indians and Pakistanis to visit each other freely and experience each other's countries for themselves. Until such contact becomes commonplace, the odds of South Asia becoming more like Southeast Asia - united by economics rather than divided by politics - remain vanishingly slim. |
In Lahore the idea of an impending war looms large, even among sober people who view it with trepidation rather than longing. The novelist Mohsin Hamid tells me this is because of proximity to the border. For a Lahori, a dip in India-Pakistan relations can mean more men in army fatigues on the streets. If you're in Delhi or Mumbai life goes on as usual. Geopolitics does not intersect with daily life in quite the same way. |
Some of Pakistan's beleaguered liberals - a brave but dwindling species - look upon India's turn toward hardline Hindu nationalism more with sorrow than anger. They feel robbed of their best argument - that for all its flaws India showed that civil liberties and democratic norms could thrive even on the subcontinent. Under Modi, Indian visas have all but dried up for Pakistanis, even for known peaceniks who have visited India many times. In the past, the Pakistani army tried to discourage people from visiting "enemy territory". Now the Indian government does their job for them. |
But it's not all just regret and longing for gentler times. There's schadenfreude too. The idea that the likes of the venomous Yogi Adityanath represent the true face of India is common in Pakistan. As the argument goes, Indian secularism was always a charade. The only difference is that the Modi government doesnt bother to dress up reality. This may strike an Indian as an absurd distortion of the truth, but in Pakistan its widely believed. |
The Narendra Modi government prides itself on restoring hard-bitten realism to Indian foreign policy - no more empty posturing of the Nehruvian variety. Judged by this yardstick. New Delhi's Pakistan policy is a disaster. It appears to be based on a combination of hubris and hatred that are the opposite of realism. |
On television, Indians are fed a diet of jingoism that is detached from reality. For instance, while Pakistan's global influence may have declined precipitously - in large measure because of its sclerotic economy - the idea that India can isolate a nuclear-armed nation with more than 200-million people is preposterous. As things stand, Pakistan enjoys a strong relationship with China, has largely repaired its once strained relations with America, and is open to overtures from Russia. |
Perhaps one day the politicians who run India and the generals who run Pakistan will feel secure enough to allow Indians and Pakistanis to visit each other freely and experience each other's countries for themselves. Until such contact becomes commonplace, the odds of South Asia becoming more like Southeast Asia - united by economics rather than divided by politics - remain vanishingly slim. |
In Lahore the idea of an impending war looms large, even among sober people who view it with trepidation rather than longing. The novelist Mohsin Hamid tells me this is because of proximity to the border. For a Lahori, a dip in India-Pakistan relations can mean more men in army fatigues on the streets. If you're in Delhi or Mumbai life goes on as usual. Geopolitics does not intersect with daily life in quite the same way. |
Some of Pakistan's beleaguered liberals - a brave but dwindling species - look upon India's turn toward hardline Hindu nationalism more with sorrow than anger. They feel robbed of their best argument - that for all its flaws India showed that civil liberties and democratic norms could thrive even on the subcontinent. Under Modi, Indian visas have all but dried up for Pakistanis, even for known peaceniks who have visited India many times. In the past, the Pakistani army tried to discourage people from visiting "enemy territory". Now the Indian government does their job for them. |
But it's not all just regret and longing for gentler times. There's schadenfreude too. The idea that the likes of the venomous Yogi Adityanath represent the true face of India is common in Pakistan. As the argument goes, Indian secularism was always a charade. The only difference is that the Modi government doesnt bother to dress up reality. This may strike an Indian as an absurd distortion of the truth, but in Pakistan its widely believed. |
The Narendra Modi government prides itself on restoring hard-bitten realism to Indian foreign policy - no more empty posturing of the Nehruvian variety. Judged by this yardstick. New Delhi's Pakistan policy is a disaster. It appears to be based on a combination of hubris and hatred that are the opposite of realism. |
On television, Indians are fed a diet of jingoism that is detached from reality. For instance, while Pakistan's global influence may have declined precipitously - in large measure because of its sclerotic economy - the idea that India can isolate a nuclear-armed nation with more than 200-million people is preposterous. As things stand, Pakistan enjoys a strong relationship with China, has largely repaired its once strained relations with America, and is open to overtures from Russia. |
Perhaps one day the politicians who run India and the generals who run Pakistan will feel secure enough to allow Indians and Pakistanis to visit each other freely and experience each other's countries for themselves. Until such contact becomes commonplace, the odds of South Asia becoming more like Southeast Asia - united by economics rather than divided by politics - remain vanishingly slim. |
In Lahore the idea of an impending war looms large, even among sober people who view it with trepidation rather than longing. The novelist Mohsin Hamid tells me this is because of proximity to the border. For a Lahori, a dip in India-Pakistan relations can mean more men in army fatigues on the streets. If you're in Delhi or Mumbai life goes on as usual. Geopolitics does not intersect with daily life in quite the same way. |
Some of Pakistan's beleaguered liberals - a brave but dwindling species - look upon India's turn toward hardline Hindu nationalism more with sorrow than anger. They feel robbed of their best argument - that for all its flaws India showed that civil liberties and democratic norms could thrive even on the subcontinent. Under Modi, Indian visas have all but dried up for Pakistanis, even for known peaceniks who have visited India many times. In the past, the Pakistani army tried to discourage people from visiting "enemy territory". Now the Indian government does their job for them. |
But it's not all just regret and longing for gentler times. There's schadenfreude too. The idea that the likes of the venomous Yogi Adityanath represent the true face of India is common in Pakistan. As the argument goes, Indian secularism was always a charade. The only difference is that the Modi government doesnt bother to dress up reality. This may strike an Indian as an absurd distortion of the truth, but in Pakistan its widely believed. |
The Narendra Modi government prides itself on restoring hard-bitten realism to Indian foreign policy - no more empty posturing of the Nehruvian variety. Judged by this yardstick. New Delhi's Pakistan policy is a disaster. It appears to be based on a combination of hubris and hatred that are the opposite of realism. |
On television, Indians are fed a diet of jingoism that is detached from reality. For instance, while Pakistan's global influence may have declined precipitously - in large measure because of its sclerotic economy - the idea that India can isolate a nuclear-armed nation with more than 200-million people is preposterous. As things stand, Pakistan enjoys a strong relationship with China, has largely repaired its once strained relations with America, and is open to overtures from Russia. |
Perhaps one day the politicians who run India and the generals who run Pakistan will feel secure enough to allow Indians and Pakistanis to visit each other freely and experience each other's countries for themselves. Until such contact becomes commonplace, the odds of South Asia becoming more like Southeast Asia - united by economics rather than divided by politics - remain vanishingly slim. |
Although crowdfunding in India is at a nascent stage, with only 15 notable crowdfunding platforms (CFPs), the concept holds immense potential for the country's startup ecosystem. People can utilise these platforms to raise money for projects and also to gauge public response, viability and popularity of the product. |
However, the notion of a regulated online CFP, especially with all the computer jargon accompanying it, is often unfamiliar to potential investors. This makes it imperative for them to understand the benefits of blockchain and AI within a CFP and how CFPs will change P2P (Peer-to-Peer) lending and investing, and also guarantee the security of their investments. |
India's history with fundraising has witnessed unfortunate incidents such as NSEL and CIS scams, which have made it evident that a regulatory vacuum in financial matters is a bad idea, and can lead to money laundering, terror financing and other perilous racketeering. |
Hence, India must bring these online platforms under a stringent framework to legitimise the activity as well as aid capital formation. |
Both NITI Aayog and DEA can work towards this as an alternate markets division within the SEBI, and that would be the easiest, strongest and least disruptive way of creating a regulatory framework, and can address problems of high interest rates, misuse of funds, exaggerated return figures and high default rates that are typically found in a P2P lending market. |
How it can help people get rid of fake Ponzi schemes? |
It is also imperative to consider ways to reduce the risk of low-income households getting sucked into Ponzi schemes. Since the government does not possess the right to tell people what to do with their money, it would not be practical to set a lower limit on income people are allowed to invest. |
If people want to invest in a certain project through CFP because they believe the returns they receive are worth it, the government must take measures to inform them of all the potential risks. Often, people invest in risky ventures through CFPs, because marketing material is misleading. |
These potential risks can be mitigated through measures such as partnering with private companies, and employing technologies like blockchain. |
Private partnership can allow new project issuers to ensure viability of the project, enough collection of funds and technical assistance. This strategy has been adopted by CFPs such as Kickstarter and Indiegogo. CFPs can also employ AI or blockchain to create an inbuilt mechanism where peoples investments are protected. |
There exist a number of blockchain applications as proof of concepts of real world, and a rising future of its vast applications is almost a given. Blockchain's method of storing data provides a huge advantage for its usage in a CFP, as it provides a non-destructive way of tracking data over time. |
Besides, it is decentralised and distributed over a large network of computer systems, and hence reduces the possibility of data tampering. Before a block can be added to the chain, there is a cryptographic puzzle that is solved, and then shared with the network called "proof of work". Because of these verification processes, each record is trustworthy. |
Blockchain allows one to one trade, but at scale. Instead of a company or intermediaries supervising transactions, it creates a software code. Each computer will have a node that runs the same software, and ensures that each transaction is secure. |
This will provide a greater level of security to people who invest in new ventures or projects on the regulated CFP. This system of financial transactions has been adopted in many financial organisations that trade cryptocurrency and other assets online. Using blockchain, it can be verified if a person is legitimate seller or producer of the item, since there are identity structures that can be cryptographically signed. |
Although crowdfunding in India is at a nascent stage, with only 15 notable crowdfunding platforms (CFPs), the concept holds immense potential for the country's startup ecosystem. People can utilise these platforms to raise money for projects and also to gauge public response, viability and popularity of the product. |
However, the notion of a regulated online CFP, especially with all the computer jargon accompanying it, is often unfamiliar to potential investors. This makes it imperative for them to understand the benefits of blockchain and AI within a CFP and how CFPs will change P2P (Peer-to-Peer) lending and investing, and also guarantee the security of their investments. |
India's history with fundraising has witnessed unfortunate incidents such as NSEL and CIS scams, which have made it evident that a regulatory vacuum in financial matters is a bad idea, and can lead to money laundering, terror financing and other perilous racketeering. |
Hence, India must bring these online platforms under a stringent framework to legitimise the activity as well as aid capital formation. |
Both NITI Aayog and DEA can work towards this as an alternate markets division within the SEBI, and that would be the easiest, strongest and least disruptive way of creating a regulatory framework, and can address problems of high interest rates, misuse of funds, exaggerated return figures and high default rates that are typically found in a P2P lending market. |
How it can help people get rid of fake Ponzi schemes? |
It is also imperative to consider ways to reduce the risk of low-income households getting sucked into Ponzi schemes. Since the government does not possess the right to tell people what to do with their money, it would not be practical to set a lower limit on income people are allowed to invest. |
If people want to invest in a certain project through CFP because they believe the returns they receive are worth it, the government must take measures to inform them of all the potential risks. Often, people invest in risky ventures through CFPs, because marketing material is misleading. |
These potential risks can be mitigated through measures such as partnering with private companies, and employing technologies like blockchain. |
Private partnership can allow new project issuers to ensure viability of the project, enough collection of funds and technical assistance. This strategy has been adopted by CFPs such as Kickstarter and Indiegogo. CFPs can also employ AI or blockchain to create an inbuilt mechanism where peoples investments are protected. |
There exist a number of blockchain applications as proof of concepts of real world, and a rising future of its vast applications is almost a given. Blockchain's method of storing data provides a huge advantage for its usage in a CFP, as it provides a non-destructive way of tracking data over time. |
Besides, it is decentralised and distributed over a large network of computer systems, and hence reduces the possibility of data tampering. Before a block can be added to the chain, there is a cryptographic puzzle that is solved, and then shared with the network called "proof of work". Because of these verification processes, each record is trustworthy. |
Blockchain allows one to one trade, but at scale. Instead of a company or intermediaries supervising transactions, it creates a software code. Each computer will have a node that runs the same software, and ensures that each transaction is secure. |
This will provide a greater level of security to people who invest in new ventures or projects on the regulated CFP. This system of financial transactions has been adopted in many financial organisations that trade cryptocurrency and other assets online. Using blockchain, it can be verified if a person is legitimate seller or producer of the item, since there are identity structures that can be cryptographically signed. |
Although crowdfunding in India is at a nascent stage, with only 15 notable crowdfunding platforms (CFPs), the concept holds immense potential for the country's startup ecosystem. People can utilise these platforms to raise money for projects and also to gauge public response, viability and popularity of the product. |
However, the notion of a regulated online CFP, especially with all the computer jargon accompanying it, is often unfamiliar to potential investors. This makes it imperative for them to understand the benefits of blockchain and AI within a CFP and how CFPs will change P2P (Peer-to-Peer) lending and investing, and also guarantee the security of their investments. |
India's history with fundraising has witnessed unfortunate incidents such as NSEL and CIS scams, which have made it evident that a regulatory vacuum in financial matters is a bad idea, and can lead to money laundering, terror financing and other perilous racketeering. |
Hence, India must bring these online platforms under a stringent framework to legitimise the activity as well as aid capital formation. |
Both NITI Aayog and DEA can work towards this as an alternate markets division within the SEBI, and that would be the easiest, strongest and least disruptive way of creating a regulatory framework, and can address problems of high interest rates, misuse of funds, exaggerated return figures and high default rates that are typically found in a P2P lending market. |
How it can help people get rid of fake Ponzi schemes? |
It is also imperative to consider ways to reduce the risk of low-income households getting sucked into Ponzi schemes. Since the government does not possess the right to tell people what to do with their money, it would not be practical to set a lower limit on income people are allowed to invest. |
If people want to invest in a certain project through CFP because they believe the returns they receive are worth it, the government must take measures to inform them of all the potential risks. Often, people invest in risky ventures through CFPs, because marketing material is misleading. |
These potential risks can be mitigated through measures such as partnering with private companies, and employing technologies like blockchain. |
Private partnership can allow new project issuers to ensure viability of the project, enough collection of funds and technical assistance. This strategy has been adopted by CFPs such as Kickstarter and Indiegogo. CFPs can also employ AI or blockchain to create an inbuilt mechanism where peoples investments are protected. |
There exist a number of blockchain applications as proof of concepts of real world, and a rising future of its vast applications is almost a given. Blockchain's method of storing data provides a huge advantage for its usage in a CFP, as it provides a non-destructive way of tracking data over time. |
Besides, it is decentralised and distributed over a large network of computer systems, and hence reduces the possibility of data tampering. Before a block can be added to the chain, there is a cryptographic puzzle that is solved, and then shared with the network called "proof of work". Because of these verification processes, each record is trustworthy. |
Blockchain allows one to one trade, but at scale. Instead of a company or intermediaries supervising transactions, it creates a software code. Each computer will have a node that runs the same software, and ensures that each transaction is secure. |
This will provide a greater level of security to people who invest in new ventures or projects on the regulated CFP. This system of financial transactions has been adopted in many financial organisations that trade cryptocurrency and other assets online. Using blockchain, it can be verified if a person is legitimate seller or producer of the item, since there are identity structures that can be cryptographically signed. |
Although crowdfunding in India is at a nascent stage, with only 15 notable crowdfunding platforms (CFPs), the concept holds immense potential for the country's startup ecosystem. People can utilise these platforms to raise money for projects and also to gauge public response, viability and popularity of the product. |
However, the notion of a regulated online CFP, especially with all the computer jargon accompanying it, is often unfamiliar to potential investors. This makes it imperative for them to understand the benefits of blockchain and AI within a CFP and how CFPs will change P2P (Peer-to-Peer) lending and investing, and also guarantee the security of their investments. |
India's history with fundraising has witnessed unfortunate incidents such as NSEL and CIS scams, which have made it evident that a regulatory vacuum in financial matters is a bad idea, and can lead to money laundering, terror financing and other perilous racketeering. |
Hence, India must bring these online platforms under a stringent framework to legitimise the activity as well as aid capital formation. |
Both NITI Aayog and DEA can work towards this as an alternate markets division within the SEBI, and that would be the easiest, strongest and least disruptive way of creating a regulatory framework, and can address problems of high interest rates, misuse of funds, exaggerated return figures and high default rates that are typically found in a P2P lending market. |
How it can help people get rid of fake Ponzi schemes? |
It is also imperative to consider ways to reduce the risk of low-income households getting sucked into Ponzi schemes. Since the government does not possess the right to tell people what to do with their money, it would not be practical to set a lower limit on income people are allowed to invest. |
If people want to invest in a certain project through CFP because they believe the returns they receive are worth it, the government must take measures to inform them of all the potential risks. Often, people invest in risky ventures through CFPs, because marketing material is misleading. |
These potential risks can be mitigated through measures such as partnering with private companies, and employing technologies like blockchain. |
Private partnership can allow new project issuers to ensure viability of the project, enough collection of funds and technical assistance. This strategy has been adopted by CFPs such as Kickstarter and Indiegogo. CFPs can also employ AI or blockchain to create an inbuilt mechanism where peoples investments are protected. |
There exist a number of blockchain applications as proof of concepts of real world, and a rising future of its vast applications is almost a given. Blockchain's method of storing data provides a huge advantage for its usage in a CFP, as it provides a non-destructive way of tracking data over time. |
Besides, it is decentralised and distributed over a large network of computer systems, and hence reduces the possibility of data tampering. Before a block can be added to the chain, there is a cryptographic puzzle that is solved, and then shared with the network called "proof of work". Because of these verification processes, each record is trustworthy. |
Blockchain allows one to one trade, but at scale. Instead of a company or intermediaries supervising transactions, it creates a software code. Each computer will have a node that runs the same software, and ensures that each transaction is secure. |
This will provide a greater level of security to people who invest in new ventures or projects on the regulated CFP. This system of financial transactions has been adopted in many financial organisations that trade cryptocurrency and other assets online. Using blockchain, it can be verified if a person is legitimate seller or producer of the item, since there are identity structures that can be cryptographically signed. |
Although crowdfunding in India is at a nascent stage, with only 15 notable crowdfunding platforms (CFPs), the concept holds immense potential for the country's startup ecosystem. People can utilise these platforms to raise money for projects and also to gauge public response, viability and popularity of the product. |
However, the notion of a regulated online CFP, especially with all the computer jargon accompanying it, is often unfamiliar to potential investors. This makes it imperative for them to understand the benefits of blockchain and AI within a CFP and how CFPs will change P2P (Peer-to-Peer) lending and investing, and also guarantee the security of their investments. |
India's history with fundraising has witnessed unfortunate incidents such as NSEL and CIS scams, which have made it evident that a regulatory vacuum in financial matters is a bad idea, and can lead to money laundering, terror financing and other perilous racketeering. |
Hence, India must bring these online platforms under a stringent framework to legitimise the activity as well as aid capital formation. |
Both NITI Aayog and DEA can work towards this as an alternate markets division within the SEBI, and that would be the easiest, strongest and least disruptive way of creating a regulatory framework, and can address problems of high interest rates, misuse of funds, exaggerated return figures and high default rates that are typically found in a P2P lending market. |
How it can help people get rid of fake Ponzi schemes? |
It is also imperative to consider ways to reduce the risk of low-income households getting sucked into Ponzi schemes. Since the government does not possess the right to tell people what to do with their money, it would not be practical to set a lower limit on income people are allowed to invest. |
If people want to invest in a certain project through CFP because they believe the returns they receive are worth it, the government must take measures to inform them of all the potential risks. Often, people invest in risky ventures through CFPs, because marketing material is misleading. |
These potential risks can be mitigated through measures such as partnering with private companies, and employing technologies like blockchain. |
Private partnership can allow new project issuers to ensure viability of the project, enough collection of funds and technical assistance. This strategy has been adopted by CFPs such as Kickstarter and Indiegogo. CFPs can also employ AI or blockchain to create an inbuilt mechanism where peoples investments are protected. |
There exist a number of blockchain applications as proof of concepts of real world, and a rising future of its vast applications is almost a given. Blockchain's method of storing data provides a huge advantage for its usage in a CFP, as it provides a non-destructive way of tracking data over time. |
Besides, it is decentralised and distributed over a large network of computer systems, and hence reduces the possibility of data tampering. Before a block can be added to the chain, there is a cryptographic puzzle that is solved, and then shared with the network called "proof of work". Because of these verification processes, each record is trustworthy. |
Blockchain allows one to one trade, but at scale. Instead of a company or intermediaries supervising transactions, it creates a software code. Each computer will have a node that runs the same software, and ensures that each transaction is secure. |
This will provide a greater level of security to people who invest in new ventures or projects on the regulated CFP. This system of financial transactions has been adopted in many financial organisations that trade cryptocurrency and other assets online. Using blockchain, it can be verified if a person is legitimate seller or producer of the item, since there are identity structures that can be cryptographically signed. |
The idea of One Belt One Road (OBOR) is based on the old idea of the silk route with a difference. |
Earlier it grew out of the exigencies of trade, now, as part of Chinas peripheral diplomacy and Theory of Boundless National Interest, it is China's game plan for getting fifty-seven or more nations on board for the OBOR. |
There is both fear and excitement connected to this. China's rising supremacy and tenacious strategic planning instigates a sense of caution and vigilance on the part of India while it still needs and wants to be integrated with OBOR. Other nations too feel the same. |
One Belt One Road was good until it turned into a colossal foreign policy initiative of China, one where it reminded nations of Chinas throwback to an "Empire status". |
OBOR triggered anti-China sentiments from Australia to Europe. There was a growing fear that Beijing would adopt colonial like ambitions over most countries around it. In fact, Australia is setting up "joint regional infrastructural scheme" to come up with an alternative to Chinas OBOR initiative. |
Australia seemed concerned and wanted to inhibit Chinas further influence. Australia's plan involves India, USA and Japan. It is much too nascent right now to consider it. |
Eleven countries in the "16+1" are EU members and there is rising apprehension that the attempt to have bilateral relations in this framework could affect the internal cohesion and risk divisions among members that compete for Chinese attention. |
Germany too is preparing a legislation to check the drain of technoLEGAL know-how which Chinese items are bringing in as substitutes. Ironically, there are trains which have already begun transferring goods from China to Germany. |
Germany flagged a substantive problematic and rejected OBOR. In its view, China was against democracy and freedom. Further, it emphasized that it would promote a new value system different from the West. |
The opposite viewpoint is that OBOR is a feasible project, a geo-functionalist one, a futuristic one which may yield results. China truly organizes itself as an agenda entrepreneur whether in an institutional or functional strategic way. Chinas institutionalization attempt might be isomorphic with the existing Western dominated system. |
In terms of hegemonic structure due to the cognitive limitations in finding alternatives, China might ruin its own feasibility initiative. Chinese President Xi Jinping announced the OBOR initiative as promoting global connectivity as well as infrastructure construction. This was in 2013. |
The project aims to connect China to Europe via Eurasia in the ongoing 21st century and linking Asia with Africa and Europe. One has to wonder that even with the ongoing Chinese led industrialization process, OBOR initiative is feasible but fragile. |
It is almost a dream framework of cooperation among nation states being possible via interdependence as an outcome of international institutions without the need for a hegemon almost decrying the hegemonic stability theory, and therefore the point is made in supporting China's initiative. |
Yet China is trying to achieve parallel insularization in the establishment of Asia Infrastructural Investment Bank (AIIB) which is in essence a hierarchic structure. This would place China at the center of geo-economic and geo-political landscape in the region and beyond. |
Moreover, China also created the Silk Road Fund with capital of US 40 billion as a long-term medium development investment fund. All this of course, generates the fear of Sino centrism as part of OBOR concept. China is a deliberative actor in the investment dominated international system. This is truly a case of Keohanian interdependence between international politics and economics. Taking it further, it will definitely impact India's strategic mapping with China. |
The frightening aspect is that the US taking a dig at China's OBOR emphasized that connectivity projects in India-Pacific could compromise nations security. This, though a bit exaggerated is a matter of deep concern to Indias strategic perception too. |
The idea of One Belt One Road (OBOR) is based on the old idea of the silk route with a difference. |
Earlier it grew out of the exigencies of trade, now, as part of Chinas peripheral diplomacy and Theory of Boundless National Interest, it is China's game plan for getting fifty-seven or more nations on board for the OBOR. |
There is both fear and excitement connected to this. China's rising supremacy and tenacious strategic planning instigates a sense of caution and vigilance on the part of India while it still needs and wants to be integrated with OBOR. Other nations too feel the same. |
One Belt One Road was good until it turned into a colossal foreign policy initiative of China, one where it reminded nations of Chinas throwback to an "Empire status". |
OBOR triggered anti-China sentiments from Australia to Europe. There was a growing fear that Beijing would adopt colonial like ambitions over most countries around it. In fact, Australia is setting up "joint regional infrastructural scheme" to come up with an alternative to Chinas OBOR initiative. |
Australia seemed concerned and wanted to inhibit Chinas further influence. Australia's plan involves India, USA and Japan. It is much too nascent right now to consider it. |
Eleven countries in the "16+1" are EU members and there is rising apprehension that the attempt to have bilateral relations in this framework could affect the internal cohesion and risk divisions among members that compete for Chinese attention. |
Germany too is preparing a legislation to check the drain of technoLEGAL know-how which Chinese items are bringing in as substitutes. Ironically, there are trains which have already begun transferring goods from China to Germany. |
Germany flagged a substantive problematic and rejected OBOR. In its view, China was against democracy and freedom. Further, it emphasized that it would promote a new value system different from the West. |
The opposite viewpoint is that OBOR is a feasible project, a geo-functionalist one, a futuristic one which may yield results. China truly organizes itself as an agenda entrepreneur whether in an institutional or functional strategic way. Chinas institutionalization attempt might be isomorphic with the existing Western dominated system. |
In terms of hegemonic structure due to the cognitive limitations in finding alternatives, China might ruin its own feasibility initiative. Chinese President Xi Jinping announced the OBOR initiative as promoting global connectivity as well as infrastructure construction. This was in 2013. |
The project aims to connect China to Europe via Eurasia in the ongoing 21st century and linking Asia with Africa and Europe. One has to wonder that even with the ongoing Chinese led industrialization process, OBOR initiative is feasible but fragile. |
It is almost a dream framework of cooperation among nation states being possible via interdependence as an outcome of international institutions without the need for a hegemon almost decrying the hegemonic stability theory, and therefore the point is made in supporting China's initiative. |
Yet China is trying to achieve parallel insularization in the establishment of Asia Infrastructural Investment Bank (AIIB) which is in essence a hierarchic structure. This would place China at the center of geo-economic and geo-political landscape in the region and beyond. |
Moreover, China also created the Silk Road Fund with capital of US 40 billion as a long-term medium development investment fund. All this of course, generates the fear of Sino centrism as part of OBOR concept. China is a deliberative actor in the investment dominated international system. This is truly a case of Keohanian interdependence between international politics and economics. Taking it further, it will definitely impact India's strategic mapping with China. |
The frightening aspect is that the US taking a dig at China's OBOR emphasized that connectivity projects in India-Pacific could compromise nations security. This, though a bit exaggerated is a matter of deep concern to Indias strategic perception too. |
The idea of One Belt One Road (OBOR) is based on the old idea of the silk route with a difference. |
Earlier it grew out of the exigencies of trade, now, as part of Chinas peripheral diplomacy and Theory of Boundless National Interest, it is China's game plan for getting fifty-seven or more nations on board for the OBOR. |
There is both fear and excitement connected to this. China's rising supremacy and tenacious strategic planning instigates a sense of caution and vigilance on the part of India while it still needs and wants to be integrated with OBOR. Other nations too feel the same. |
One Belt One Road was good until it turned into a colossal foreign policy initiative of China, one where it reminded nations of Chinas throwback to an "Empire status". |
OBOR triggered anti-China sentiments from Australia to Europe. There was a growing fear that Beijing would adopt colonial like ambitions over most countries around it. In fact, Australia is setting up "joint regional infrastructural scheme" to come up with an alternative to Chinas OBOR initiative. |
Australia seemed concerned and wanted to inhibit Chinas further influence. Australia's plan involves India, USA and Japan. It is much too nascent right now to consider it. |
Eleven countries in the "16+1" are EU members and there is rising apprehension that the attempt to have bilateral relations in this framework could affect the internal cohesion and risk divisions among members that compete for Chinese attention. |
Germany too is preparing a legislation to check the drain of technoLEGAL know-how which Chinese items are bringing in as substitutes. Ironically, there are trains which have already begun transferring goods from China to Germany. |
Germany flagged a substantive problematic and rejected OBOR. In its view, China was against democracy and freedom. Further, it emphasized that it would promote a new value system different from the West. |
The opposite viewpoint is that OBOR is a feasible project, a geo-functionalist one, a futuristic one which may yield results. China truly organizes itself as an agenda entrepreneur whether in an institutional or functional strategic way. Chinas institutionalization attempt might be isomorphic with the existing Western dominated system. |
In terms of hegemonic structure due to the cognitive limitations in finding alternatives, China might ruin its own feasibility initiative. Chinese President Xi Jinping announced the OBOR initiative as promoting global connectivity as well as infrastructure construction. This was in 2013. |
The project aims to connect China to Europe via Eurasia in the ongoing 21st century and linking Asia with Africa and Europe. One has to wonder that even with the ongoing Chinese led industrialization process, OBOR initiative is feasible but fragile. |
It is almost a dream framework of cooperation among nation states being possible via interdependence as an outcome of international institutions without the need for a hegemon almost decrying the hegemonic stability theory, and therefore the point is made in supporting China's initiative. |
Yet China is trying to achieve parallel insularization in the establishment of Asia Infrastructural Investment Bank (AIIB) which is in essence a hierarchic structure. This would place China at the center of geo-economic and geo-political landscape in the region and beyond. |
Moreover, China also created the Silk Road Fund with capital of US 40 billion as a long-term medium development investment fund. All this of course, generates the fear of Sino centrism as part of OBOR concept. China is a deliberative actor in the investment dominated international system. This is truly a case of Keohanian interdependence between international politics and economics. Taking it further, it will definitely impact India's strategic mapping with China. |
The frightening aspect is that the US taking a dig at China's OBOR emphasized that connectivity projects in India-Pacific could compromise nations security. This, though a bit exaggerated is a matter of deep concern to Indias strategic perception too. |
The idea of One Belt One Road (OBOR) is based on the old idea of the silk route with a difference. |
Earlier it grew out of the exigencies of trade, now, as part of Chinas peripheral diplomacy and Theory of Boundless National Interest, it is China's game plan for getting fifty-seven or more nations on board for the OBOR. |
There is both fear and excitement connected to this. China's rising supremacy and tenacious strategic planning instigates a sense of caution and vigilance on the part of India while it still needs and wants to be integrated with OBOR. Other nations too feel the same. |
One Belt One Road was good until it turned into a colossal foreign policy initiative of China, one where it reminded nations of Chinas throwback to an "Empire status". |
OBOR triggered anti-China sentiments from Australia to Europe. There was a growing fear that Beijing would adopt colonial like ambitions over most countries around it. In fact, Australia is setting up "joint regional infrastructural scheme" to come up with an alternative to Chinas OBOR initiative. |
Australia seemed concerned and wanted to inhibit Chinas further influence. Australia's plan involves India, USA and Japan. It is much too nascent right now to consider it. |
Eleven countries in the "16+1" are EU members and there is rising apprehension that the attempt to have bilateral relations in this framework could affect the internal cohesion and risk divisions among members that compete for Chinese attention. |
Germany too is preparing a legislation to check the drain of technoLEGAL know-how which Chinese items are bringing in as substitutes. Ironically, there are trains which have already begun transferring goods from China to Germany. |
Germany flagged a substantive problematic and rejected OBOR. In its view, China was against democracy and freedom. Further, it emphasized that it would promote a new value system different from the West. |
The opposite viewpoint is that OBOR is a feasible project, a geo-functionalist one, a futuristic one which may yield results. China truly organizes itself as an agenda entrepreneur whether in an institutional or functional strategic way. Chinas institutionalization attempt might be isomorphic with the existing Western dominated system. |
In terms of hegemonic structure due to the cognitive limitations in finding alternatives, China might ruin its own feasibility initiative. Chinese President Xi Jinping announced the OBOR initiative as promoting global connectivity as well as infrastructure construction. This was in 2013. |
The project aims to connect China to Europe via Eurasia in the ongoing 21st century and linking Asia with Africa and Europe. One has to wonder that even with the ongoing Chinese led industrialization process, OBOR initiative is feasible but fragile. |
It is almost a dream framework of cooperation among nation states being possible via interdependence as an outcome of international institutions without the need for a hegemon almost decrying the hegemonic stability theory, and therefore the point is made in supporting China's initiative. |
Yet China is trying to achieve parallel insularization in the establishment of Asia Infrastructural Investment Bank (AIIB) which is in essence a hierarchic structure. This would place China at the center of geo-economic and geo-political landscape in the region and beyond. |
Moreover, China also created the Silk Road Fund with capital of US 40 billion as a long-term medium development investment fund. All this of course, generates the fear of Sino centrism as part of OBOR concept. China is a deliberative actor in the investment dominated international system. This is truly a case of Keohanian interdependence between international politics and economics. Taking it further, it will definitely impact India's strategic mapping with China. |
The frightening aspect is that the US taking a dig at China's OBOR emphasized that connectivity projects in India-Pacific could compromise nations security. This, though a bit exaggerated is a matter of deep concern to Indias strategic perception too. |
The idea of One Belt One Road (OBOR) is based on the old idea of the silk route with a difference. |
Earlier it grew out of the exigencies of trade, now, as part of Chinas peripheral diplomacy and Theory of Boundless National Interest, it is China's game plan for getting fifty-seven or more nations on board for the OBOR. |
There is both fear and excitement connected to this. China's rising supremacy and tenacious strategic planning instigates a sense of caution and vigilance on the part of India while it still needs and wants to be integrated with OBOR. Other nations too feel the same. |
One Belt One Road was good until it turned into a colossal foreign policy initiative of China, one where it reminded nations of Chinas throwback to an "Empire status". |
OBOR triggered anti-China sentiments from Australia to Europe. There was a growing fear that Beijing would adopt colonial like ambitions over most countries around it. In fact, Australia is setting up "joint regional infrastructural scheme" to come up with an alternative to Chinas OBOR initiative. |
Australia seemed concerned and wanted to inhibit Chinas further influence. Australia's plan involves India, USA and Japan. It is much too nascent right now to consider it. |
Eleven countries in the "16+1" are EU members and there is rising apprehension that the attempt to have bilateral relations in this framework could affect the internal cohesion and risk divisions among members that compete for Chinese attention. |
Germany too is preparing a legislation to check the drain of technoLEGAL know-how which Chinese items are bringing in as substitutes. Ironically, there are trains which have already begun transferring goods from China to Germany. |
Germany flagged a substantive problematic and rejected OBOR. In its view, China was against democracy and freedom. Further, it emphasized that it would promote a new value system different from the West. |
The opposite viewpoint is that OBOR is a feasible project, a geo-functionalist one, a futuristic one which may yield results. China truly organizes itself as an agenda entrepreneur whether in an institutional or functional strategic way. Chinas institutionalization attempt might be isomorphic with the existing Western dominated system. |
In terms of hegemonic structure due to the cognitive limitations in finding alternatives, China might ruin its own feasibility initiative. Chinese President Xi Jinping announced the OBOR initiative as promoting global connectivity as well as infrastructure construction. This was in 2013. |
The project aims to connect China to Europe via Eurasia in the ongoing 21st century and linking Asia with Africa and Europe. One has to wonder that even with the ongoing Chinese led industrialization process, OBOR initiative is feasible but fragile. |
It is almost a dream framework of cooperation among nation states being possible via interdependence as an outcome of international institutions without the need for a hegemon almost decrying the hegemonic stability theory, and therefore the point is made in supporting China's initiative. |
Yet China is trying to achieve parallel insularization in the establishment of Asia Infrastructural Investment Bank (AIIB) which is in essence a hierarchic structure. This would place China at the center of geo-economic and geo-political landscape in the region and beyond. |
Moreover, China also created the Silk Road Fund with capital of US 40 billion as a long-term medium development investment fund. All this of course, generates the fear of Sino centrism as part of OBOR concept. China is a deliberative actor in the investment dominated international system. This is truly a case of Keohanian interdependence between international politics and economics. Taking it further, it will definitely impact India's strategic mapping with China. |
The frightening aspect is that the US taking a dig at China's OBOR emphasized that connectivity projects in India-Pacific could compromise nations security. This, though a bit exaggerated is a matter of deep concern to Indias strategic perception too. |
In a significant judgment, the Supreme Court has ruled that State can't be ordered to provide for reservation in public jobs and promotions. |
"It is settled law that state govt can't be directed to provide reservations for appointment in public posts. Similarly, the state is not bound to make reservation for SCs and STs in matters of promotions", a bench of Justices L Nageswara Rao and Hemant Gupta held. |
Setting aside an order of Uttarakhand High Court, the bench said: "...the direction given by the High Court that the State Government should first collect data regarding the adequacy or inadequacy of representation of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in Government services on the basis of which the State Government should take a decision whether or not to provide reservation in promotion is contrary to the law laid down by this Court..." |
"...Yet another direction given by the High Court in its judgment dated 15.07.2019, directing that all future vacancies that are to be filled up by promotion in the posts of Assistant Engineer, should only be from the members of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, is wholly unjustifiable and is hence set aside", the bench further said. |
The bench order came while dealing with a clutch of pleas pertaining to reservations to SCs and STs in promotions in the posts of Assistant Engineer (Civil) in Public Works Department, Government of Uttarakhand. |
1. The Controversy to the above Appeals pertains to the reservations to Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in promotions in the posts of Assistant Engineer (Civil) in Public Works Department, Government of Uttarakhand. |
2. The Uttar Pradesh Public Services (Reservation for Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and Other Backward Classes) Act, 1994 (for short "the 1994 Act") provided for reservation in public services and posts in favour of persons belonging to Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and Other Backward Classes of citizens. Section 3(1) of the said Act stipulated reservation at the stage of direct recruitment. According to Section 3(7) of the 1994 Act, the Government Orders providing reservation for appointment to public posts filled up by promotion which were existing on the date of commencement of the 1994 Act shall continue till they are modified or revoked. After the formation of the State of Uttarakhand in 2001, the Uttar Pradesh Public Services (Scheduled Caste, Scheduled Tribe and Other Backward Caste Reservation) Act, 1994 was made applicable to the State of Uttaranchal by a Notification dated 30.08.2001 with a modification in the percentage of reservations. 21% reservation for Scheduled Castes was modified to 19% and 2% for Scheduled Tribes was increased to 4%. Likewise, 21% reservation provided in the 1994 Act for Other Backward Classes was altered to 14%. |
In a significant judgment, the Supreme Court has ruled that State can't be ordered to provide for reservation in public jobs and promotions. |
"It is settled law that state govt can't be directed to provide reservations for appointment in public posts. Similarly, the state is not bound to make reservation for SCs and STs in matters of promotions", a bench of Justices L Nageswara Rao and Hemant Gupta held. |
Setting aside an order of Uttarakhand High Court, the bench said: "...the direction given by the High Court that the State Government should first collect data regarding the adequacy or inadequacy of representation of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in Government services on the basis of which the State Government should take a decision whether or not to provide reservation in promotion is contrary to the law laid down by this Court..." |
"...Yet another direction given by the High Court in its judgment dated 15.07.2019, directing that all future vacancies that are to be filled up by promotion in the posts of Assistant Engineer, should only be from the members of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, is wholly unjustifiable and is hence set aside", the bench further said. |
The bench order came while dealing with a clutch of pleas pertaining to reservations to SCs and STs in promotions in the posts of Assistant Engineer (Civil) in Public Works Department, Government of Uttarakhand. |
1. The Controversy to the above Appeals pertains to the reservations to Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in promotions in the posts of Assistant Engineer (Civil) in Public Works Department, Government of Uttarakhand. |
2. The Uttar Pradesh Public Services (Reservation for Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and Other Backward Classes) Act, 1994 (for short "the 1994 Act") provided for reservation in public services and posts in favour of persons belonging to Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and Other Backward Classes of citizens. Section 3(1) of the said Act stipulated reservation at the stage of direct recruitment. According to Section 3(7) of the 1994 Act, the Government Orders providing reservation for appointment to public posts filled up by promotion which were existing on the date of commencement of the 1994 Act shall continue till they are modified or revoked. After the formation of the State of Uttarakhand in 2001, the Uttar Pradesh Public Services (Scheduled Caste, Scheduled Tribe and Other Backward Caste Reservation) Act, 1994 was made applicable to the State of Uttaranchal by a Notification dated 30.08.2001 with a modification in the percentage of reservations. 21% reservation for Scheduled Castes was modified to 19% and 2% for Scheduled Tribes was increased to 4%. Likewise, 21% reservation provided in the 1994 Act for Other Backward Classes was altered to 14%. |
In a significant judgment, the Supreme Court has ruled that State can't be ordered to provide for reservation in public jobs and promotions. |
"It is settled law that state govt can't be directed to provide reservations for appointment in public posts. Similarly, the state is not bound to make reservation for SCs and STs in matters of promotions", a bench of Justices L Nageswara Rao and Hemant Gupta held. |
Setting aside an order of Uttarakhand High Court, the bench said: "...the direction given by the High Court that the State Government should first collect data regarding the adequacy or inadequacy of representation of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in Government services on the basis of which the State Government should take a decision whether or not to provide reservation in promotion is contrary to the law laid down by this Court..." |
"...Yet another direction given by the High Court in its judgment dated 15.07.2019, directing that all future vacancies that are to be filled up by promotion in the posts of Assistant Engineer, should only be from the members of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, is wholly unjustifiable and is hence set aside", the bench further said. |
The bench order came while dealing with a clutch of pleas pertaining to reservations to SCs and STs in promotions in the posts of Assistant Engineer (Civil) in Public Works Department, Government of Uttarakhand. |
1. The Controversy to the above Appeals pertains to the reservations to Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in promotions in the posts of Assistant Engineer (Civil) in Public Works Department, Government of Uttarakhand. |
2. The Uttar Pradesh Public Services (Reservation for Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and Other Backward Classes) Act, 1994 (for short "the 1994 Act") provided for reservation in public services and posts in favour of persons belonging to Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and Other Backward Classes of citizens. Section 3(1) of the said Act stipulated reservation at the stage of direct recruitment. According to Section 3(7) of the 1994 Act, the Government Orders providing reservation for appointment to public posts filled up by promotion which were existing on the date of commencement of the 1994 Act shall continue till they are modified or revoked. After the formation of the State of Uttarakhand in 2001, the Uttar Pradesh Public Services (Scheduled Caste, Scheduled Tribe and Other Backward Caste Reservation) Act, 1994 was made applicable to the State of Uttaranchal by a Notification dated 30.08.2001 with a modification in the percentage of reservations. 21% reservation for Scheduled Castes was modified to 19% and 2% for Scheduled Tribes was increased to 4%. Likewise, 21% reservation provided in the 1994 Act for Other Backward Classes was altered to 14%. |
In a significant judgment, the Supreme Court has ruled that State can't be ordered to provide for reservation in public jobs and promotions. |
"It is settled law that state govt can't be directed to provide reservations for appointment in public posts. Similarly, the state is not bound to make reservation for SCs and STs in matters of promotions", a bench of Justices L Nageswara Rao and Hemant Gupta held. |
Setting aside an order of Uttarakhand High Court, the bench said: "...the direction given by the High Court that the State Government should first collect data regarding the adequacy or inadequacy of representation of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in Government services on the basis of which the State Government should take a decision whether or not to provide reservation in promotion is contrary to the law laid down by this Court..." |
"...Yet another direction given by the High Court in its judgment dated 15.07.2019, directing that all future vacancies that are to be filled up by promotion in the posts of Assistant Engineer, should only be from the members of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, is wholly unjustifiable and is hence set aside", the bench further said. |
The bench order came while dealing with a clutch of pleas pertaining to reservations to SCs and STs in promotions in the posts of Assistant Engineer (Civil) in Public Works Department, Government of Uttarakhand. |
1. The Controversy to the above Appeals pertains to the reservations to Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in promotions in the posts of Assistant Engineer (Civil) in Public Works Department, Government of Uttarakhand. |
2. The Uttar Pradesh Public Services (Reservation for Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and Other Backward Classes) Act, 1994 (for short "the 1994 Act") provided for reservation in public services and posts in favour of persons belonging to Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and Other Backward Classes of citizens. Section 3(1) of the said Act stipulated reservation at the stage of direct recruitment. According to Section 3(7) of the 1994 Act, the Government Orders providing reservation for appointment to public posts filled up by promotion which were existing on the date of commencement of the 1994 Act shall continue till they are modified or revoked. After the formation of the State of Uttarakhand in 2001, the Uttar Pradesh Public Services (Scheduled Caste, Scheduled Tribe and Other Backward Caste Reservation) Act, 1994 was made applicable to the State of Uttaranchal by a Notification dated 30.08.2001 with a modification in the percentage of reservations. 21% reservation for Scheduled Castes was modified to 19% and 2% for Scheduled Tribes was increased to 4%. Likewise, 21% reservation provided in the 1994 Act for Other Backward Classes was altered to 14%. |
In a significant judgment, the Supreme Court has ruled that State can't be ordered to provide for reservation in public jobs and promotions. |
"It is settled law that state govt can't be directed to provide reservations for appointment in public posts. Similarly, the state is not bound to make reservation for SCs and STs in matters of promotions", a bench of Justices L Nageswara Rao and Hemant Gupta held. |
Setting aside an order of Uttarakhand High Court, the bench said: "...the direction given by the High Court that the State Government should first collect data regarding the adequacy or inadequacy of representation of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in Government services on the basis of which the State Government should take a decision whether or not to provide reservation in promotion is contrary to the law laid down by this Court..." |
"...Yet another direction given by the High Court in its judgment dated 15.07.2019, directing that all future vacancies that are to be filled up by promotion in the posts of Assistant Engineer, should only be from the members of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, is wholly unjustifiable and is hence set aside", the bench further said. |
The bench order came while dealing with a clutch of pleas pertaining to reservations to SCs and STs in promotions in the posts of Assistant Engineer (Civil) in Public Works Department, Government of Uttarakhand. |
1. The Controversy to the above Appeals pertains to the reservations to Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in promotions in the posts of Assistant Engineer (Civil) in Public Works Department, Government of Uttarakhand. |
2. The Uttar Pradesh Public Services (Reservation for Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and Other Backward Classes) Act, 1994 (for short "the 1994 Act") provided for reservation in public services and posts in favour of persons belonging to Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and Other Backward Classes of citizens. Section 3(1) of the said Act stipulated reservation at the stage of direct recruitment. According to Section 3(7) of the 1994 Act, the Government Orders providing reservation for appointment to public posts filled up by promotion which were existing on the date of commencement of the 1994 Act shall continue till they are modified or revoked. After the formation of the State of Uttarakhand in 2001, the Uttar Pradesh Public Services (Scheduled Caste, Scheduled Tribe and Other Backward Caste Reservation) Act, 1994 was made applicable to the State of Uttaranchal by a Notification dated 30.08.2001 with a modification in the percentage of reservations. 21% reservation for Scheduled Castes was modified to 19% and 2% for Scheduled Tribes was increased to 4%. Likewise, 21% reservation provided in the 1994 Act for Other Backward Classes was altered to 14%. |
It is popular, even fashionable to judge the competence and independence of the Indian judiciary by examining the performance and pronouncements of the Supreme Court. This is a myopic way of assessing the real strength or weakness of the nation's juridical architecture entrusted by the Constitution to uphold, without fear or favour, the rule of law on which rests the foundation of the nation's Republican democracy. |
It is but natural that the Delhi-based apex court should receive media and political spotlight. It is the central body entrusted with determining the constitutional propriety of the behaviour of the powerful executive and legislative arms of governance. It has the power to checkmate any institution bent upon infringing on the basic structure of the Constitution, primarily in the inviolability of the right to life, liberty, equality and the pursuit of happiness. The Supreme Court may be the only central body. But it is not the only body. |
Even as the Supreme Court is mulling over petitions filed in connection with police and state excesses against protesters and students opposed to the Citizenship (Amendment) Act and related schemes, the High Courts have not been sitting silent. All across the country, these courts as well as magistrates have been ordering the release on bail of jailed protesters, often scoffing at the serious charges made against them by the police as spurious and concocted. The release of jailed demonstrators in Bijnor, UP, as well as of Bhim Army chief Chandrashekhar Azad in Delhi are prime examples of the delivery of justice outside the portals of the Supreme Court. |
In the most recent example of no-nonsense action, a Delhi court directed the Delhi Police to submit a report for not filing FIRs against Union Minister Anurag Thakur and Member of Parliament Parvesh Sahib Singh Verma, star campaigner of the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party. The plea was filed by the Politburo member of the CPI (M), Brmda Karat, and the Secretary of the CPI(M) Delhi unit, KM Tewari. |
The Additional Chief Metropolitan Magistrate of Rouse Avenue Court, Vishal Pahuja, directed the Deputy Commissioner of Police (DCP), New Delhi, to submit the report. The Court has asked the DCP to file his reply by February 11. The counting of votes is scheduled to happen on February 11. |
Brinda Karat had approached the Court after her written complaints to the Commissioner of Police and the Station Head Officer, Parliament Street Police Station, werent acted upon. Prior to the filing of the plea, Karat and Tewari had written to the Commissioner on January 29 and 31. The CPI (M) leaders' complaint against Thakur and Verma had sought filing of FIRs under Sections 153A, 153B, 295A, 298, 504, 505, 506 of the IPC. A few more historical points should suffice to prove that the lower courts have often shown tremendous integrity and guts in standing up for constitutional morality against the ruling political dispensation. After the demolition of the Babri mosque at Ayodhya in 1992, President's Rule was imposed in the states of Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Himachal Pradesh where the ruling party was the Bharatiya Janata Party. Imposition of President's Rule in Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Himachal Pradesh was assailed in the High Courts. The High Court of Madhya Pradesh held that imposition of Presidents Rule in the state was unconstitutional and there was no relevant material to justify the action in Sunderlal Patwa vs Union of India. |
It is popular, even fashionable to judge the competence and independence of the Indian judiciary by examining the performance and pronouncements of the Supreme Court. This is a myopic way of assessing the real strength or weakness of the nation's juridical architecture entrusted by the Constitution to uphold, without fear or favour, the rule of law on which rests the foundation of the nation's Republican democracy. |
It is but natural that the Delhi-based apex court should receive media and political spotlight. It is the central body entrusted with determining the constitutional propriety of the behaviour of the powerful executive and legislative arms of governance. It has the power to checkmate any institution bent upon infringing on the basic structure of the Constitution, primarily in the inviolability of the right to life, liberty, equality and the pursuit of happiness. The Supreme Court may be the only central body. But it is not the only body. |
Even as the Supreme Court is mulling over petitions filed in connection with police and state excesses against protesters and students opposed to the Citizenship (Amendment) Act and related schemes, the High Courts have not been sitting silent. All across the country, these courts as well as magistrates have been ordering the release on bail of jailed protesters, often scoffing at the serious charges made against them by the police as spurious and concocted. The release of jailed demonstrators in Bijnor, UP, as well as of Bhim Army chief Chandrashekhar Azad in Delhi are prime examples of the delivery of justice outside the portals of the Supreme Court. |
In the most recent example of no-nonsense action, a Delhi court directed the Delhi Police to submit a report for not filing FIRs against Union Minister Anurag Thakur and Member of Parliament Parvesh Sahib Singh Verma, star campaigner of the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party. The plea was filed by the Politburo member of the CPI (M), Brmda Karat, and the Secretary of the CPI(M) Delhi unit, KM Tewari. |
The Additional Chief Metropolitan Magistrate of Rouse Avenue Court, Vishal Pahuja, directed the Deputy Commissioner of Police (DCP), New Delhi, to submit the report. The Court has asked the DCP to file his reply by February 11. The counting of votes is scheduled to happen on February 11. |
Brinda Karat had approached the Court after her written complaints to the Commissioner of Police and the Station Head Officer, Parliament Street Police Station, werent acted upon. Prior to the filing of the plea, Karat and Tewari had written to the Commissioner on January 29 and 31. The CPI (M) leaders' complaint against Thakur and Verma had sought filing of FIRs under Sections 153A, 153B, 295A, 298, 504, 505, 506 of the IPC. A few more historical points should suffice to prove that the lower courts have often shown tremendous integrity and guts in standing up for constitutional morality against the ruling political dispensation. After the demolition of the Babri mosque at Ayodhya in 1992, President's Rule was imposed in the states of Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Himachal Pradesh where the ruling party was the Bharatiya Janata Party. Imposition of President's Rule in Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Himachal Pradesh was assailed in the High Courts. The High Court of Madhya Pradesh held that imposition of Presidents Rule in the state was unconstitutional and there was no relevant material to justify the action in Sunderlal Patwa vs Union of India. |
It is popular, even fashionable to judge the competence and independence of the Indian judiciary by examining the performance and pronouncements of the Supreme Court. This is a myopic way of assessing the real strength or weakness of the nation's juridical architecture entrusted by the Constitution to uphold, without fear or favour, the rule of law on which rests the foundation of the nation's Republican democracy. |
It is but natural that the Delhi-based apex court should receive media and political spotlight. It is the central body entrusted with determining the constitutional propriety of the behaviour of the powerful executive and legislative arms of governance. It has the power to checkmate any institution bent upon infringing on the basic structure of the Constitution, primarily in the inviolability of the right to life, liberty, equality and the pursuit of happiness. The Supreme Court may be the only central body. But it is not the only body. |
Even as the Supreme Court is mulling over petitions filed in connection with police and state excesses against protesters and students opposed to the Citizenship (Amendment) Act and related schemes, the High Courts have not been sitting silent. All across the country, these courts as well as magistrates have been ordering the release on bail of jailed protesters, often scoffing at the serious charges made against them by the police as spurious and concocted. The release of jailed demonstrators in Bijnor, UP, as well as of Bhim Army chief Chandrashekhar Azad in Delhi are prime examples of the delivery of justice outside the portals of the Supreme Court. |
In the most recent example of no-nonsense action, a Delhi court directed the Delhi Police to submit a report for not filing FIRs against Union Minister Anurag Thakur and Member of Parliament Parvesh Sahib Singh Verma, star campaigner of the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party. The plea was filed by the Politburo member of the CPI (M), Brmda Karat, and the Secretary of the CPI(M) Delhi unit, KM Tewari. |
The Additional Chief Metropolitan Magistrate of Rouse Avenue Court, Vishal Pahuja, directed the Deputy Commissioner of Police (DCP), New Delhi, to submit the report. The Court has asked the DCP to file his reply by February 11. The counting of votes is scheduled to happen on February 11. |
Brinda Karat had approached the Court after her written complaints to the Commissioner of Police and the Station Head Officer, Parliament Street Police Station, werent acted upon. Prior to the filing of the plea, Karat and Tewari had written to the Commissioner on January 29 and 31. The CPI (M) leaders' complaint against Thakur and Verma had sought filing of FIRs under Sections 153A, 153B, 295A, 298, 504, 505, 506 of the IPC. A few more historical points should suffice to prove that the lower courts have often shown tremendous integrity and guts in standing up for constitutional morality against the ruling political dispensation. After the demolition of the Babri mosque at Ayodhya in 1992, President's Rule was imposed in the states of Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Himachal Pradesh where the ruling party was the Bharatiya Janata Party. Imposition of President's Rule in Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Himachal Pradesh was assailed in the High Courts. The High Court of Madhya Pradesh held that imposition of Presidents Rule in the state was unconstitutional and there was no relevant material to justify the action in Sunderlal Patwa vs Union of India. |
It is popular, even fashionable to judge the competence and independence of the Indian judiciary by examining the performance and pronouncements of the Supreme Court. This is a myopic way of assessing the real strength or weakness of the nation's juridical architecture entrusted by the Constitution to uphold, without fear or favour, the rule of law on which rests the foundation of the nation's Republican democracy. |
It is but natural that the Delhi-based apex court should receive media and political spotlight. It is the central body entrusted with determining the constitutional propriety of the behaviour of the powerful executive and legislative arms of governance. It has the power to checkmate any institution bent upon infringing on the basic structure of the Constitution, primarily in the inviolability of the right to life, liberty, equality and the pursuit of happiness. The Supreme Court may be the only central body. But it is not the only body. |
Even as the Supreme Court is mulling over petitions filed in connection with police and state excesses against protesters and students opposed to the Citizenship (Amendment) Act and related schemes, the High Courts have not been sitting silent. All across the country, these courts as well as magistrates have been ordering the release on bail of jailed protesters, often scoffing at the serious charges made against them by the police as spurious and concocted. The release of jailed demonstrators in Bijnor, UP, as well as of Bhim Army chief Chandrashekhar Azad in Delhi are prime examples of the delivery of justice outside the portals of the Supreme Court. |
In the most recent example of no-nonsense action, a Delhi court directed the Delhi Police to submit a report for not filing FIRs against Union Minister Anurag Thakur and Member of Parliament Parvesh Sahib Singh Verma, star campaigner of the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party. The plea was filed by the Politburo member of the CPI (M), Brmda Karat, and the Secretary of the CPI(M) Delhi unit, KM Tewari. |
The Additional Chief Metropolitan Magistrate of Rouse Avenue Court, Vishal Pahuja, directed the Deputy Commissioner of Police (DCP), New Delhi, to submit the report. The Court has asked the DCP to file his reply by February 11. The counting of votes is scheduled to happen on February 11. |
Brinda Karat had approached the Court after her written complaints to the Commissioner of Police and the Station Head Officer, Parliament Street Police Station, werent acted upon. Prior to the filing of the plea, Karat and Tewari had written to the Commissioner on January 29 and 31. The CPI (M) leaders' complaint against Thakur and Verma had sought filing of FIRs under Sections 153A, 153B, 295A, 298, 504, 505, 506 of the IPC. A few more historical points should suffice to prove that the lower courts have often shown tremendous integrity and guts in standing up for constitutional morality against the ruling political dispensation. After the demolition of the Babri mosque at Ayodhya in 1992, President's Rule was imposed in the states of Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Himachal Pradesh where the ruling party was the Bharatiya Janata Party. Imposition of President's Rule in Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Himachal Pradesh was assailed in the High Courts. The High Court of Madhya Pradesh held that imposition of Presidents Rule in the state was unconstitutional and there was no relevant material to justify the action in Sunderlal Patwa vs Union of India. |
It is popular, even fashionable to judge the competence and independence of the Indian judiciary by examining the performance and pronouncements of the Supreme Court. This is a myopic way of assessing the real strength or weakness of the nation's juridical architecture entrusted by the Constitution to uphold, without fear or favour, the rule of law on which rests the foundation of the nation's Republican democracy. |
It is but natural that the Delhi-based apex court should receive media and political spotlight. It is the central body entrusted with determining the constitutional propriety of the behaviour of the powerful executive and legislative arms of governance. It has the power to checkmate any institution bent upon infringing on the basic structure of the Constitution, primarily in the inviolability of the right to life, liberty, equality and the pursuit of happiness. The Supreme Court may be the only central body. But it is not the only body. |
Even as the Supreme Court is mulling over petitions filed in connection with police and state excesses against protesters and students opposed to the Citizenship (Amendment) Act and related schemes, the High Courts have not been sitting silent. All across the country, these courts as well as magistrates have been ordering the release on bail of jailed protesters, often scoffing at the serious charges made against them by the police as spurious and concocted. The release of jailed demonstrators in Bijnor, UP, as well as of Bhim Army chief Chandrashekhar Azad in Delhi are prime examples of the delivery of justice outside the portals of the Supreme Court. |
In the most recent example of no-nonsense action, a Delhi court directed the Delhi Police to submit a report for not filing FIRs against Union Minister Anurag Thakur and Member of Parliament Parvesh Sahib Singh Verma, star campaigner of the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party. The plea was filed by the Politburo member of the CPI (M), Brmda Karat, and the Secretary of the CPI(M) Delhi unit, KM Tewari. |
The Additional Chief Metropolitan Magistrate of Rouse Avenue Court, Vishal Pahuja, directed the Deputy Commissioner of Police (DCP), New Delhi, to submit the report. The Court has asked the DCP to file his reply by February 11. The counting of votes is scheduled to happen on February 11. |
Brinda Karat had approached the Court after her written complaints to the Commissioner of Police and the Station Head Officer, Parliament Street Police Station, werent acted upon. Prior to the filing of the plea, Karat and Tewari had written to the Commissioner on January 29 and 31. The CPI (M) leaders' complaint against Thakur and Verma had sought filing of FIRs under Sections 153A, 153B, 295A, 298, 504, 505, 506 of the IPC. A few more historical points should suffice to prove that the lower courts have often shown tremendous integrity and guts in standing up for constitutional morality against the ruling political dispensation. After the demolition of the Babri mosque at Ayodhya in 1992, President's Rule was imposed in the states of Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Himachal Pradesh where the ruling party was the Bharatiya Janata Party. Imposition of President's Rule in Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Himachal Pradesh was assailed in the High Courts. The High Court of Madhya Pradesh held that imposition of Presidents Rule in the state was unconstitutional and there was no relevant material to justify the action in Sunderlal Patwa vs Union of India. |
I would like to quote directly from a chapter on the judiciary from Pitfalls of Indian Democracy, a marvellous book by author-editor Hart Jaisingh which has contemporary relevance. He wrote: On August 1975 (during Mrs Gandhi's Emergency] Parliament passed the 39th Amendment. One of its provisions was to place 27 enactments in the Ninth Schedule of the Constitution...immune from any challenge that it violated one of more fundamental rights guaranteed by the Constitution...All these devices, however, failed to deter the detenus from challenging the lawless laws under which they had been jailed, or the High Courts from striving to defend the fundamental rights of citizens within the four comers of the new limitations imposed by the government under the guise of the Emergency. |
The Delhi High Court's judgment on Kuldeep Nayar's Habeas Corpus petition declared the journalists' detention invalid on the ground that the government had failed to give any reasons for the action. The judge commented that the right to life and liberty had not sprung from the Constitution, but were basic natural rights, given due protection by the Constitution, and that suspension of rights did not remove them entirely. |
After the proclamation of the Emergency a large number of detenus filed petitions in the Supreme Court...Behind their back and without hearing them, a bench of the Supreme Court presided over by the chief justice ordered that all such petitions be ordered as withdrawn en bloc...A large number of Habeas Corpus petitions were pending in various High Courts...In view of the suspension of the right to enforce Article 21 of the Constitution, no person was entitled to approach any court on the ground that his detention was mala fide... |
One after another, seven High Courts, however, held that the suspension of the right to enforce Article 21 could not have the effect of suspending the rule of law and it was therefore open to a detenu to file a habeas corpus petition... |
It needs to be noted with gratification that during the worst political crisis that Independent India ever faced, the country's High Courts rose to the occasion and proved true and courageous champions of citizens democratic rights. Ironically, it was the Supreme Court that seemed to be hamstrung by the Emergency and sided with a retrograde regime that was bent upon taking the Indian people away from the democratic life they had chosen for themselves. |
I would like to quote directly from a chapter on the judiciary from Pitfalls of Indian Democracy, a marvellous book by author-editor Hart Jaisingh which has contemporary relevance. He wrote: On August 1975 (during Mrs Gandhi's Emergency] Parliament passed the 39th Amendment. One of its provisions was to place 27 enactments in the Ninth Schedule of the Constitution...immune from any challenge that it violated one of more fundamental rights guaranteed by the Constitution...All these devices, however, failed to deter the detenus from challenging the lawless laws under which they had been jailed, or the High Courts from striving to defend the fundamental rights of citizens within the four comers of the new limitations imposed by the government under the guise of the Emergency. |
The Delhi High Court's judgment on Kuldeep Nayar's Habeas Corpus petition declared the journalists' detention invalid on the ground that the government had failed to give any reasons for the action. The judge commented that the right to life and liberty had not sprung from the Constitution, but were basic natural rights, given due protection by the Constitution, and that suspension of rights did not remove them entirely. |
After the proclamation of the Emergency a large number of detenus filed petitions in the Supreme Court...Behind their back and without hearing them, a bench of the Supreme Court presided over by the chief justice ordered that all such petitions be ordered as withdrawn en bloc...A large number of Habeas Corpus petitions were pending in various High Courts...In view of the suspension of the right to enforce Article 21 of the Constitution, no person was entitled to approach any court on the ground that his detention was mala fide... |
One after another, seven High Courts, however, held that the suspension of the right to enforce Article 21 could not have the effect of suspending the rule of law and it was therefore open to a detenu to file a habeas corpus petition... |
It needs to be noted with gratification that during the worst political crisis that Independent India ever faced, the country's High Courts rose to the occasion and proved true and courageous champions of citizens democratic rights. Ironically, it was the Supreme Court that seemed to be hamstrung by the Emergency and sided with a retrograde regime that was bent upon taking the Indian people away from the democratic life they had chosen for themselves. |
I would like to quote directly from a chapter on the judiciary from Pitfalls of Indian Democracy, a marvellous book by author-editor Hart Jaisingh which has contemporary relevance. He wrote: On August 1975 (during Mrs Gandhi's Emergency] Parliament passed the 39th Amendment. One of its provisions was to place 27 enactments in the Ninth Schedule of the Constitution...immune from any challenge that it violated one of more fundamental rights guaranteed by the Constitution...All these devices, however, failed to deter the detenus from challenging the lawless laws under which they had been jailed, or the High Courts from striving to defend the fundamental rights of citizens within the four comers of the new limitations imposed by the government under the guise of the Emergency. |
The Delhi High Court's judgment on Kuldeep Nayar's Habeas Corpus petition declared the journalists' detention invalid on the ground that the government had failed to give any reasons for the action. The judge commented that the right to life and liberty had not sprung from the Constitution, but were basic natural rights, given due protection by the Constitution, and that suspension of rights did not remove them entirely. |
After the proclamation of the Emergency a large number of detenus filed petitions in the Supreme Court...Behind their back and without hearing them, a bench of the Supreme Court presided over by the chief justice ordered that all such petitions be ordered as withdrawn en bloc...A large number of Habeas Corpus petitions were pending in various High Courts...In view of the suspension of the right to enforce Article 21 of the Constitution, no person was entitled to approach any court on the ground that his detention was mala fide... |
One after another, seven High Courts, however, held that the suspension of the right to enforce Article 21 could not have the effect of suspending the rule of law and it was therefore open to a detenu to file a habeas corpus petition... |
It needs to be noted with gratification that during the worst political crisis that Independent India ever faced, the country's High Courts rose to the occasion and proved true and courageous champions of citizens democratic rights. Ironically, it was the Supreme Court that seemed to be hamstrung by the Emergency and sided with a retrograde regime that was bent upon taking the Indian people away from the democratic life they had chosen for themselves. |
I would like to quote directly from a chapter on the judiciary from Pitfalls of Indian Democracy, a marvellous book by author-editor Hart Jaisingh which has contemporary relevance. He wrote: On August 1975 (during Mrs Gandhi's Emergency] Parliament passed the 39th Amendment. One of its provisions was to place 27 enactments in the Ninth Schedule of the Constitution...immune from any challenge that it violated one of more fundamental rights guaranteed by the Constitution...All these devices, however, failed to deter the detenus from challenging the lawless laws under which they had been jailed, or the High Courts from striving to defend the fundamental rights of citizens within the four comers of the new limitations imposed by the government under the guise of the Emergency. |
The Delhi High Court's judgment on Kuldeep Nayar's Habeas Corpus petition declared the journalists' detention invalid on the ground that the government had failed to give any reasons for the action. The judge commented that the right to life and liberty had not sprung from the Constitution, but were basic natural rights, given due protection by the Constitution, and that suspension of rights did not remove them entirely. |
After the proclamation of the Emergency a large number of detenus filed petitions in the Supreme Court...Behind their back and without hearing them, a bench of the Supreme Court presided over by the chief justice ordered that all such petitions be ordered as withdrawn en bloc...A large number of Habeas Corpus petitions were pending in various High Courts...In view of the suspension of the right to enforce Article 21 of the Constitution, no person was entitled to approach any court on the ground that his detention was mala fide... |
One after another, seven High Courts, however, held that the suspension of the right to enforce Article 21 could not have the effect of suspending the rule of law and it was therefore open to a detenu to file a habeas corpus petition... |
It needs to be noted with gratification that during the worst political crisis that Independent India ever faced, the country's High Courts rose to the occasion and proved true and courageous champions of citizens democratic rights. Ironically, it was the Supreme Court that seemed to be hamstrung by the Emergency and sided with a retrograde regime that was bent upon taking the Indian people away from the democratic life they had chosen for themselves. |
I would like to quote directly from a chapter on the judiciary from Pitfalls of Indian Democracy, a marvellous book by author-editor Hart Jaisingh which has contemporary relevance. He wrote: On August 1975 (during Mrs Gandhi's Emergency] Parliament passed the 39th Amendment. One of its provisions was to place 27 enactments in the Ninth Schedule of the Constitution...immune from any challenge that it violated one of more fundamental rights guaranteed by the Constitution...All these devices, however, failed to deter the detenus from challenging the lawless laws under which they had been jailed, or the High Courts from striving to defend the fundamental rights of citizens within the four comers of the new limitations imposed by the government under the guise of the Emergency. |
The Delhi High Court's judgment on Kuldeep Nayar's Habeas Corpus petition declared the journalists' detention invalid on the ground that the government had failed to give any reasons for the action. The judge commented that the right to life and liberty had not sprung from the Constitution, but were basic natural rights, given due protection by the Constitution, and that suspension of rights did not remove them entirely. |
After the proclamation of the Emergency a large number of detenus filed petitions in the Supreme Court...Behind their back and without hearing them, a bench of the Supreme Court presided over by the chief justice ordered that all such petitions be ordered as withdrawn en bloc...A large number of Habeas Corpus petitions were pending in various High Courts...In view of the suspension of the right to enforce Article 21 of the Constitution, no person was entitled to approach any court on the ground that his detention was mala fide... |
One after another, seven High Courts, however, held that the suspension of the right to enforce Article 21 could not have the effect of suspending the rule of law and it was therefore open to a detenu to file a habeas corpus petition... |
It needs to be noted with gratification that during the worst political crisis that Independent India ever faced, the country's High Courts rose to the occasion and proved true and courageous champions of citizens democratic rights. Ironically, it was the Supreme Court that seemed to be hamstrung by the Emergency and sided with a retrograde regime that was bent upon taking the Indian people away from the democratic life they had chosen for themselves. |
Writing in India Legal (November 11, 2019), I described "snakes and ladders type of adjudicatory approaches" that render "the Supreme Court itself...a house hermeneutically divided". For the most part, the Court regards grant or refusal of ball as an ongoing discretionary aspect of the administration of criminal Justice policy. On the other side is the judicially robust assertion (maintained ever since and memorably enunciated by Justice Krishna Iyer in Moti Ram, 1978) that regards bail as a matter of Article 21 rights to life and liberty under the right to constitutional remedies (Article 32) which the apex court has both the power and the duty to preserve, protect and promote. |
As late as 2011, in Mhetre, Dr Justice Dalveer Bhandari (and Justice KSP Radhakrishnan) wrote extensively (paragraphs 36-84) on the virtue and value of both the constitutional and "natural" right to life and liberty in the particular context of bail. |
It even noted the sadly well-known fact that a "great ignominy, humiliation, and disgrace is attached to arrest...not only for accused but for whole family and at times for the entire community", because "most people do not make any distinction between arrest at a pre-conviction stage or post-conviction stage". This itself strengthens the view that pre-conviction bail should be a rule emanating from the mandate of Article 21 and custodial confinement a rare departure from the norm. |
I also urged the convening of a larger bench "to decide, once and for all, the two views in the Supreme Court"; an explicit reference to this "domain will, of course, underscore the speedy advent whether of human rights in the administration of criminal justice as well as promote more efficient and equitable investigation of the crimes of the powerful". |
Now at least we had a five-judge bench which considered two questions: whether the protection granted to a person under Section 438 CrPC should be limited to a fixed period or whether "the life of an anticipatory ball should end at the time and stage when the accused is summoned by the court". |
The second question concerned the imposition of conditions in anticipatory bail orders. |
It is noteworthy that the Court (Justices Arun Mishra, Indira Baneijee, Vineet Saran, MR Shah and S Ravindra Bhat) while not directly deciding the issue of whether bail is a fundamental rights issue, considered at least these two questions. It was valuably clarified that it is not "essential that an application should be moved only after an FIR is filed; it can be moved earlier, so long as the facts are clear and there is reasonable basis for apprehending arrest". Further, while it "would be justified to impose other restrictive conditions", these would have to be judged on a case by case basis. Such conditions may not be imposed in a routine manner, in all cases and "limiting conditions may not be invariably imposed". Nor should decisions about anticipatory bail be made by "blanket" orders. |
Clearly this ruling does not "in any manner limit or restrict the rights or duties of the police or investigating agency" to probe the charges against the pre-arrest bail. But it insists on avoidance of a habit or a blanket rule, detracting from reflexive reasons for denying bail. And while evidence, under Section 27 of the Indian Evidence Act, can be taken for discovery of any material evidence, "there is no question (or necessity) of asking the accused to separately surrender and seek regular bail". |
Writing in India Legal (November 11, 2019), I described "snakes and ladders type of adjudicatory approaches" that render "the Supreme Court itself...a house hermeneutically divided". For the most part, the Court regards grant or refusal of ball as an ongoing discretionary aspect of the administration of criminal Justice policy. On the other side is the judicially robust assertion (maintained ever since and memorably enunciated by Justice Krishna Iyer in Moti Ram, 1978) that regards bail as a matter of Article 21 rights to life and liberty under the right to constitutional remedies (Article 32) which the apex court has both the power and the duty to preserve, protect and promote. |
As late as 2011, in Mhetre, Dr Justice Dalveer Bhandari (and Justice KSP Radhakrishnan) wrote extensively (paragraphs 36-84) on the virtue and value of both the constitutional and "natural" right to life and liberty in the particular context of bail. |
It even noted the sadly well-known fact that a "great ignominy, humiliation, and disgrace is attached to arrest...not only for accused but for whole family and at times for the entire community", because "most people do not make any distinction between arrest at a pre-conviction stage or post-conviction stage". This itself strengthens the view that pre-conviction bail should be a rule emanating from the mandate of Article 21 and custodial confinement a rare departure from the norm. |
I also urged the convening of a larger bench "to decide, once and for all, the two views in the Supreme Court"; an explicit reference to this "domain will, of course, underscore the speedy advent whether of human rights in the administration of criminal justice as well as promote more efficient and equitable investigation of the crimes of the powerful". |
Now at least we had a five-judge bench which considered two questions: whether the protection granted to a person under Section 438 CrPC should be limited to a fixed period or whether "the life of an anticipatory ball should end at the time and stage when the accused is summoned by the court". |
The second question concerned the imposition of conditions in anticipatory bail orders. |
It is noteworthy that the Court (Justices Arun Mishra, Indira Baneijee, Vineet Saran, MR Shah and S Ravindra Bhat) while not directly deciding the issue of whether bail is a fundamental rights issue, considered at least these two questions. It was valuably clarified that it is not "essential that an application should be moved only after an FIR is filed; it can be moved earlier, so long as the facts are clear and there is reasonable basis for apprehending arrest". Further, while it "would be justified to impose other restrictive conditions", these would have to be judged on a case by case basis. Such conditions may not be imposed in a routine manner, in all cases and "limiting conditions may not be invariably imposed". Nor should decisions about anticipatory bail be made by "blanket" orders. |
Clearly this ruling does not "in any manner limit or restrict the rights or duties of the police or investigating agency" to probe the charges against the pre-arrest bail. But it insists on avoidance of a habit or a blanket rule, detracting from reflexive reasons for denying bail. And while evidence, under Section 27 of the Indian Evidence Act, can be taken for discovery of any material evidence, "there is no question (or necessity) of asking the accused to separately surrender and seek regular bail". |
Writing in India Legal (November 11, 2019), I described "snakes and ladders type of adjudicatory approaches" that render "the Supreme Court itself...a house hermeneutically divided". For the most part, the Court regards grant or refusal of ball as an ongoing discretionary aspect of the administration of criminal Justice policy. On the other side is the judicially robust assertion (maintained ever since and memorably enunciated by Justice Krishna Iyer in Moti Ram, 1978) that regards bail as a matter of Article 21 rights to life and liberty under the right to constitutional remedies (Article 32) which the apex court has both the power and the duty to preserve, protect and promote. |
As late as 2011, in Mhetre, Dr Justice Dalveer Bhandari (and Justice KSP Radhakrishnan) wrote extensively (paragraphs 36-84) on the virtue and value of both the constitutional and "natural" right to life and liberty in the particular context of bail. |
It even noted the sadly well-known fact that a "great ignominy, humiliation, and disgrace is attached to arrest...not only for accused but for whole family and at times for the entire community", because "most people do not make any distinction between arrest at a pre-conviction stage or post-conviction stage". This itself strengthens the view that pre-conviction bail should be a rule emanating from the mandate of Article 21 and custodial confinement a rare departure from the norm. |
I also urged the convening of a larger bench "to decide, once and for all, the two views in the Supreme Court"; an explicit reference to this "domain will, of course, underscore the speedy advent whether of human rights in the administration of criminal justice as well as promote more efficient and equitable investigation of the crimes of the powerful". |
Now at least we had a five-judge bench which considered two questions: whether the protection granted to a person under Section 438 CrPC should be limited to a fixed period or whether "the life of an anticipatory ball should end at the time and stage when the accused is summoned by the court". |
The second question concerned the imposition of conditions in anticipatory bail orders. |
It is noteworthy that the Court (Justices Arun Mishra, Indira Baneijee, Vineet Saran, MR Shah and S Ravindra Bhat) while not directly deciding the issue of whether bail is a fundamental rights issue, considered at least these two questions. It was valuably clarified that it is not "essential that an application should be moved only after an FIR is filed; it can be moved earlier, so long as the facts are clear and there is reasonable basis for apprehending arrest". Further, while it "would be justified to impose other restrictive conditions", these would have to be judged on a case by case basis. Such conditions may not be imposed in a routine manner, in all cases and "limiting conditions may not be invariably imposed". Nor should decisions about anticipatory bail be made by "blanket" orders. |
Clearly this ruling does not "in any manner limit or restrict the rights or duties of the police or investigating agency" to probe the charges against the pre-arrest bail. But it insists on avoidance of a habit or a blanket rule, detracting from reflexive reasons for denying bail. And while evidence, under Section 27 of the Indian Evidence Act, can be taken for discovery of any material evidence, "there is no question (or necessity) of asking the accused to separately surrender and seek regular bail". |
Writing in India Legal (November 11, 2019), I described "snakes and ladders type of adjudicatory approaches" that render "the Supreme Court itself...a house hermeneutically divided". For the most part, the Court regards grant or refusal of ball as an ongoing discretionary aspect of the administration of criminal Justice policy. On the other side is the judicially robust assertion (maintained ever since and memorably enunciated by Justice Krishna Iyer in Moti Ram, 1978) that regards bail as a matter of Article 21 rights to life and liberty under the right to constitutional remedies (Article 32) which the apex court has both the power and the duty to preserve, protect and promote. |
As late as 2011, in Mhetre, Dr Justice Dalveer Bhandari (and Justice KSP Radhakrishnan) wrote extensively (paragraphs 36-84) on the virtue and value of both the constitutional and "natural" right to life and liberty in the particular context of bail. |
It even noted the sadly well-known fact that a "great ignominy, humiliation, and disgrace is attached to arrest...not only for accused but for whole family and at times for the entire community", because "most people do not make any distinction between arrest at a pre-conviction stage or post-conviction stage". This itself strengthens the view that pre-conviction bail should be a rule emanating from the mandate of Article 21 and custodial confinement a rare departure from the norm. |
I also urged the convening of a larger bench "to decide, once and for all, the two views in the Supreme Court"; an explicit reference to this "domain will, of course, underscore the speedy advent whether of human rights in the administration of criminal justice as well as promote more efficient and equitable investigation of the crimes of the powerful". |
Now at least we had a five-judge bench which considered two questions: whether the protection granted to a person under Section 438 CrPC should be limited to a fixed period or whether "the life of an anticipatory ball should end at the time and stage when the accused is summoned by the court". |
The second question concerned the imposition of conditions in anticipatory bail orders. |
It is noteworthy that the Court (Justices Arun Mishra, Indira Baneijee, Vineet Saran, MR Shah and S Ravindra Bhat) while not directly deciding the issue of whether bail is a fundamental rights issue, considered at least these two questions. It was valuably clarified that it is not "essential that an application should be moved only after an FIR is filed; it can be moved earlier, so long as the facts are clear and there is reasonable basis for apprehending arrest". Further, while it "would be justified to impose other restrictive conditions", these would have to be judged on a case by case basis. Such conditions may not be imposed in a routine manner, in all cases and "limiting conditions may not be invariably imposed". Nor should decisions about anticipatory bail be made by "blanket" orders. |
Clearly this ruling does not "in any manner limit or restrict the rights or duties of the police or investigating agency" to probe the charges against the pre-arrest bail. But it insists on avoidance of a habit or a blanket rule, detracting from reflexive reasons for denying bail. And while evidence, under Section 27 of the Indian Evidence Act, can be taken for discovery of any material evidence, "there is no question (or necessity) of asking the accused to separately surrender and seek regular bail". |
Writing in India Legal (November 11, 2019), I described "snakes and ladders type of adjudicatory approaches" that render "the Supreme Court itself...a house hermeneutically divided". For the most part, the Court regards grant or refusal of ball as an ongoing discretionary aspect of the administration of criminal Justice policy. On the other side is the judicially robust assertion (maintained ever since and memorably enunciated by Justice Krishna Iyer in Moti Ram, 1978) that regards bail as a matter of Article 21 rights to life and liberty under the right to constitutional remedies (Article 32) which the apex court has both the power and the duty to preserve, protect and promote. |
As late as 2011, in Mhetre, Dr Justice Dalveer Bhandari (and Justice KSP Radhakrishnan) wrote extensively (paragraphs 36-84) on the virtue and value of both the constitutional and "natural" right to life and liberty in the particular context of bail. |
It even noted the sadly well-known fact that a "great ignominy, humiliation, and disgrace is attached to arrest...not only for accused but for whole family and at times for the entire community", because "most people do not make any distinction between arrest at a pre-conviction stage or post-conviction stage". This itself strengthens the view that pre-conviction bail should be a rule emanating from the mandate of Article 21 and custodial confinement a rare departure from the norm. |
I also urged the convening of a larger bench "to decide, once and for all, the two views in the Supreme Court"; an explicit reference to this "domain will, of course, underscore the speedy advent whether of human rights in the administration of criminal justice as well as promote more efficient and equitable investigation of the crimes of the powerful". |
Now at least we had a five-judge bench which considered two questions: whether the protection granted to a person under Section 438 CrPC should be limited to a fixed period or whether "the life of an anticipatory ball should end at the time and stage when the accused is summoned by the court". |
The second question concerned the imposition of conditions in anticipatory bail orders. |
It is noteworthy that the Court (Justices Arun Mishra, Indira Baneijee, Vineet Saran, MR Shah and S Ravindra Bhat) while not directly deciding the issue of whether bail is a fundamental rights issue, considered at least these two questions. It was valuably clarified that it is not "essential that an application should be moved only after an FIR is filed; it can be moved earlier, so long as the facts are clear and there is reasonable basis for apprehending arrest". Further, while it "would be justified to impose other restrictive conditions", these would have to be judged on a case by case basis. Such conditions may not be imposed in a routine manner, in all cases and "limiting conditions may not be invariably imposed". Nor should decisions about anticipatory bail be made by "blanket" orders. |
Clearly this ruling does not "in any manner limit or restrict the rights or duties of the police or investigating agency" to probe the charges against the pre-arrest bail. But it insists on avoidance of a habit or a blanket rule, detracting from reflexive reasons for denying bail. And while evidence, under Section 27 of the Indian Evidence Act, can be taken for discovery of any material evidence, "there is no question (or necessity) of asking the accused to separately surrender and seek regular bail". |
The contrary view, articulated in Salauddin Abdulsamad Shaikh (1996) constitutes an "absolute misreading" of the prior precedent of Gurbaksh Singh Sibbia (1980) and now stands overruled. Any action under Section 27 of the Evidence Act would be regarded as temporarily eclipsing or "implied" or "deemed" eclipse. But such an order does not affect the proposition that the normal rule should be not to limit the order to "a period of time". Anticipatory bail given to a person can continue till end of the trial. |
The concurring opinion of Justice Ravindra Bhat preserves the spirit of Sibbia (while overruling the ultimate order) when it avers that the "urge for freedom is natural to each human being". Section 438 CrPC is "a procedural provision concerned with the personal liberty of each individual, who is entitled to the benefit of the presumption of innocence". As "denial of bail amounts to deprivation of personal liberty", the court should lean against the imposition of unnecessary restrictions on the scope of Section 438, especially when not imposed by the legislature. |
This is, indeed, a most welcome move because it negates that anticipatory ball "does not encapsulate Article 21"; in fact, it is labelled as "erroneous". But does this opinion go so far as to "encapsulate" the Code provisions into Article 21? Here the learned Justice opines that "the issue is not whether Section 438 is an intrinsic element of Article 21: it is rather whether that provision is part of fair procedure". That "provision for anticipatory bail is pro-liberty" and enables "a facility of approaching the court for a direction that he or she not be arrested" and it "was specifically enacted as a measure of protection against arbitrary arrests and humiliation by the police, which Parliament itself recognized as a widespread malaise on the part of the police". This does not quite tell us that the absence (or repeal) of anticipatory bail would be plainly unconstitutional. |
However, one must be grateful for small judicial mercies which would eventually pave a way towards recognising bail as a fundamental human right, and not merely find a compass for ascertainment of liberties that Parliament may not have intended to curtail. |
The learned Justice also observes that "it would be useful to remind oneself that the rights which the citizens cherish deeply, are fundamental-it is not the restrictions that are fundamental". He recalls Joseph Story, the great jurist and US Supreme Court judge, who remarked that "personal security and private property rest entirely upon the wisdom, the stability, and the integrity of the courts of justice". While that is certainly true, is the judicial duty of a summit court compromised in saying that "it would not be in the larger interests of society if the court, by judicial interpretation, limits the exercise of that power"? |
Justice Bhat says that "the danger of such an exercise would be that in fractions, little by little, the discretion, advisedly kept wide, would shrink to a very narrow and. unrecognizably tiny portion, thus frustrating the objective behind the provision, which has stood the test of time, these 46 years". |
It can be well-argued that Article 32 power coupled with a duty to affirm the constitutional right to bail, should make such "danger" welcome as a complete means to the end of securing the very integrity of the structure of civil and political rights. |
The contrary view, articulated in Salauddin Abdulsamad Shaikh (1996) constitutes an "absolute misreading" of the prior precedent of Gurbaksh Singh Sibbia (1980) and now stands overruled. Any action under Section 27 of the Evidence Act would be regarded as temporarily eclipsing or "implied" or "deemed" eclipse. But such an order does not affect the proposition that the normal rule should be not to limit the order to "a period of time". Anticipatory bail given to a person can continue till end of the trial. |
The concurring opinion of Justice Ravindra Bhat preserves the spirit of Sibbia (while overruling the ultimate order) when it avers that the "urge for freedom is natural to each human being". Section 438 CrPC is "a procedural provision concerned with the personal liberty of each individual, who is entitled to the benefit of the presumption of innocence". As "denial of bail amounts to deprivation of personal liberty", the court should lean against the imposition of unnecessary restrictions on the scope of Section 438, especially when not imposed by the legislature. |
This is, indeed, a most welcome move because it negates that anticipatory ball "does not encapsulate Article 21"; in fact, it is labelled as "erroneous". But does this opinion go so far as to "encapsulate" the Code provisions into Article 21? Here the learned Justice opines that "the issue is not whether Section 438 is an intrinsic element of Article 21: it is rather whether that provision is part of fair procedure". That "provision for anticipatory bail is pro-liberty" and enables "a facility of approaching the court for a direction that he or she not be arrested" and it "was specifically enacted as a measure of protection against arbitrary arrests and humiliation by the police, which Parliament itself recognized as a widespread malaise on the part of the police". This does not quite tell us that the absence (or repeal) of anticipatory bail would be plainly unconstitutional. |
However, one must be grateful for small judicial mercies which would eventually pave a way towards recognising bail as a fundamental human right, and not merely find a compass for ascertainment of liberties that Parliament may not have intended to curtail. |
The learned Justice also observes that "it would be useful to remind oneself that the rights which the citizens cherish deeply, are fundamental-it is not the restrictions that are fundamental". He recalls Joseph Story, the great jurist and US Supreme Court judge, who remarked that "personal security and private property rest entirely upon the wisdom, the stability, and the integrity of the courts of justice". While that is certainly true, is the judicial duty of a summit court compromised in saying that "it would not be in the larger interests of society if the court, by judicial interpretation, limits the exercise of that power"? |
Justice Bhat says that "the danger of such an exercise would be that in fractions, little by little, the discretion, advisedly kept wide, would shrink to a very narrow and. unrecognizably tiny portion, thus frustrating the objective behind the provision, which has stood the test of time, these 46 years". |
It can be well-argued that Article 32 power coupled with a duty to affirm the constitutional right to bail, should make such "danger" welcome as a complete means to the end of securing the very integrity of the structure of civil and political rights. |
The contrary view, articulated in Salauddin Abdulsamad Shaikh (1996) constitutes an "absolute misreading" of the prior precedent of Gurbaksh Singh Sibbia (1980) and now stands overruled. Any action under Section 27 of the Evidence Act would be regarded as temporarily eclipsing or "implied" or "deemed" eclipse. But such an order does not affect the proposition that the normal rule should be not to limit the order to "a period of time". Anticipatory bail given to a person can continue till end of the trial. |
The concurring opinion of Justice Ravindra Bhat preserves the spirit of Sibbia (while overruling the ultimate order) when it avers that the "urge for freedom is natural to each human being". Section 438 CrPC is "a procedural provision concerned with the personal liberty of each individual, who is entitled to the benefit of the presumption of innocence". As "denial of bail amounts to deprivation of personal liberty", the court should lean against the imposition of unnecessary restrictions on the scope of Section 438, especially when not imposed by the legislature. |
This is, indeed, a most welcome move because it negates that anticipatory ball "does not encapsulate Article 21"; in fact, it is labelled as "erroneous". But does this opinion go so far as to "encapsulate" the Code provisions into Article 21? Here the learned Justice opines that "the issue is not whether Section 438 is an intrinsic element of Article 21: it is rather whether that provision is part of fair procedure". That "provision for anticipatory bail is pro-liberty" and enables "a facility of approaching the court for a direction that he or she not be arrested" and it "was specifically enacted as a measure of protection against arbitrary arrests and humiliation by the police, which Parliament itself recognized as a widespread malaise on the part of the police". This does not quite tell us that the absence (or repeal) of anticipatory bail would be plainly unconstitutional. |
However, one must be grateful for small judicial mercies which would eventually pave a way towards recognising bail as a fundamental human right, and not merely find a compass for ascertainment of liberties that Parliament may not have intended to curtail. |
The learned Justice also observes that "it would be useful to remind oneself that the rights which the citizens cherish deeply, are fundamental-it is not the restrictions that are fundamental". He recalls Joseph Story, the great jurist and US Supreme Court judge, who remarked that "personal security and private property rest entirely upon the wisdom, the stability, and the integrity of the courts of justice". While that is certainly true, is the judicial duty of a summit court compromised in saying that "it would not be in the larger interests of society if the court, by judicial interpretation, limits the exercise of that power"? |
Justice Bhat says that "the danger of such an exercise would be that in fractions, little by little, the discretion, advisedly kept wide, would shrink to a very narrow and. unrecognizably tiny portion, thus frustrating the objective behind the provision, which has stood the test of time, these 46 years". |
It can be well-argued that Article 32 power coupled with a duty to affirm the constitutional right to bail, should make such "danger" welcome as a complete means to the end of securing the very integrity of the structure of civil and political rights. |
The contrary view, articulated in Salauddin Abdulsamad Shaikh (1996) constitutes an "absolute misreading" of the prior precedent of Gurbaksh Singh Sibbia (1980) and now stands overruled. Any action under Section 27 of the Evidence Act would be regarded as temporarily eclipsing or "implied" or "deemed" eclipse. But such an order does not affect the proposition that the normal rule should be not to limit the order to "a period of time". Anticipatory bail given to a person can continue till end of the trial. |
The concurring opinion of Justice Ravindra Bhat preserves the spirit of Sibbia (while overruling the ultimate order) when it avers that the "urge for freedom is natural to each human being". Section 438 CrPC is "a procedural provision concerned with the personal liberty of each individual, who is entitled to the benefit of the presumption of innocence". As "denial of bail amounts to deprivation of personal liberty", the court should lean against the imposition of unnecessary restrictions on the scope of Section 438, especially when not imposed by the legislature. |
This is, indeed, a most welcome move because it negates that anticipatory ball "does not encapsulate Article 21"; in fact, it is labelled as "erroneous". But does this opinion go so far as to "encapsulate" the Code provisions into Article 21? Here the learned Justice opines that "the issue is not whether Section 438 is an intrinsic element of Article 21: it is rather whether that provision is part of fair procedure". That "provision for anticipatory bail is pro-liberty" and enables "a facility of approaching the court for a direction that he or she not be arrested" and it "was specifically enacted as a measure of protection against arbitrary arrests and humiliation by the police, which Parliament itself recognized as a widespread malaise on the part of the police". This does not quite tell us that the absence (or repeal) of anticipatory bail would be plainly unconstitutional. |
However, one must be grateful for small judicial mercies which would eventually pave a way towards recognising bail as a fundamental human right, and not merely find a compass for ascertainment of liberties that Parliament may not have intended to curtail. |
The learned Justice also observes that "it would be useful to remind oneself that the rights which the citizens cherish deeply, are fundamental-it is not the restrictions that are fundamental". He recalls Joseph Story, the great jurist and US Supreme Court judge, who remarked that "personal security and private property rest entirely upon the wisdom, the stability, and the integrity of the courts of justice". While that is certainly true, is the judicial duty of a summit court compromised in saying that "it would not be in the larger interests of society if the court, by judicial interpretation, limits the exercise of that power"? |
Justice Bhat says that "the danger of such an exercise would be that in fractions, little by little, the discretion, advisedly kept wide, would shrink to a very narrow and. unrecognizably tiny portion, thus frustrating the objective behind the provision, which has stood the test of time, these 46 years". |
It can be well-argued that Article 32 power coupled with a duty to affirm the constitutional right to bail, should make such "danger" welcome as a complete means to the end of securing the very integrity of the structure of civil and political rights. |
The contrary view, articulated in Salauddin Abdulsamad Shaikh (1996) constitutes an "absolute misreading" of the prior precedent of Gurbaksh Singh Sibbia (1980) and now stands overruled. Any action under Section 27 of the Evidence Act would be regarded as temporarily eclipsing or "implied" or "deemed" eclipse. But such an order does not affect the proposition that the normal rule should be not to limit the order to "a period of time". Anticipatory bail given to a person can continue till end of the trial. |
The concurring opinion of Justice Ravindra Bhat preserves the spirit of Sibbia (while overruling the ultimate order) when it avers that the "urge for freedom is natural to each human being". Section 438 CrPC is "a procedural provision concerned with the personal liberty of each individual, who is entitled to the benefit of the presumption of innocence". As "denial of bail amounts to deprivation of personal liberty", the court should lean against the imposition of unnecessary restrictions on the scope of Section 438, especially when not imposed by the legislature. |
This is, indeed, a most welcome move because it negates that anticipatory ball "does not encapsulate Article 21"; in fact, it is labelled as "erroneous". But does this opinion go so far as to "encapsulate" the Code provisions into Article 21? Here the learned Justice opines that "the issue is not whether Section 438 is an intrinsic element of Article 21: it is rather whether that provision is part of fair procedure". That "provision for anticipatory bail is pro-liberty" and enables "a facility of approaching the court for a direction that he or she not be arrested" and it "was specifically enacted as a measure of protection against arbitrary arrests and humiliation by the police, which Parliament itself recognized as a widespread malaise on the part of the police". This does not quite tell us that the absence (or repeal) of anticipatory bail would be plainly unconstitutional. |
However, one must be grateful for small judicial mercies which would eventually pave a way towards recognising bail as a fundamental human right, and not merely find a compass for ascertainment of liberties that Parliament may not have intended to curtail. |
The learned Justice also observes that "it would be useful to remind oneself that the rights which the citizens cherish deeply, are fundamental-it is not the restrictions that are fundamental". He recalls Joseph Story, the great jurist and US Supreme Court judge, who remarked that "personal security and private property rest entirely upon the wisdom, the stability, and the integrity of the courts of justice". While that is certainly true, is the judicial duty of a summit court compromised in saying that "it would not be in the larger interests of society if the court, by judicial interpretation, limits the exercise of that power"? |
Justice Bhat says that "the danger of such an exercise would be that in fractions, little by little, the discretion, advisedly kept wide, would shrink to a very narrow and. unrecognizably tiny portion, thus frustrating the objective behind the provision, which has stood the test of time, these 46 years". |
It can be well-argued that Article 32 power coupled with a duty to affirm the constitutional right to bail, should make such "danger" welcome as a complete means to the end of securing the very integrity of the structure of civil and political rights. |
The concept of "dharma" is central in Brahmanical traditions. It is also central in Jain and Buddhist traditions. Dharma, in short, means proper conduct. The proper conduct envisaged under the term dharma is conduct in personal life: the acharya; and conduct toward others: the vyavaham. Thus, activities like ritual purification, personal hygiene regimes, and modes of dress are acharya and part of dharma. And prohibited and prescribed conduct while dealing with others is vyavahara. What is the right conduct depends upon multiple factors like one's social identity, age, gender, caste, marital status, order of life, etc. The scope of interpretation of dharma is very wide. Law in the modern sense is only a branch of dharma since dharma includes within its meaning religious, moral, social and legal duties. The dharma does not state in categorical terms the text of the law, but only the jurisprudential philosophy behind it. However, since the dharma and its understanding has been codified in the Modern Hindu Law, some aspects of dharma is a part of the codified law. |
Sources of Hindu Law or "dharma" |
Hindu Law and dharma finds its source in: Shruti, Smriti, Commentaries and Digests, Dharmasutras, Customs and Enactments. |
Shruti literally means what is heard. Shruti is believed to be the language of divine revelation. It is historically the primary and paramount source of Hindu Law. Shruti alludes to the four Vedas-Rig Veda, Yajur Veda, Atharva Veda and Sama Veda. It contains statements of fact and no statements of law. It refers to various rituals and practices and also tie rights and duties of people. |
Smriti literally means what is remembered, Smritis refer to the memory of the sages who were repositiories of the revelation, and they are also called the Dharmashastras. Smritis not only include the essence of Vedas but are also a statement of the practices of the contemporary society. They reflect the dharma as taught by the Vedic scholars and as accepted by the society. Thus, Smritis are more authoritiative statement of what is law. Smritis represent not only what ought to be the law but also the set of rules actually administered. In courts in India Smritis have been recognized as the authorities for stating law. In practice, even varied communities such as Jains and Buddhists have followed substantially the broad feature of Hindu Law as laid down in the Smriti. There are many Smritis of which Manusmnti is considered as the earliest one. It is revered by not only Hindu lawyers, but also by Buddhist writers of Java, Siam and Burma. Yajnavalkya Smriti is another very important Smriti as it is from this Smriti that most of the Hindu Law is derived. So much so that even today this Smriti is referred to in the highest court of the country whenever an occasion arises. Besides Manusmnti and Yajnavalkya Smriti, other important Smritis are Narada Smriti and Vishnu Smriti. |
The concept of "dharma" is central in Brahmanical traditions. It is also central in Jain and Buddhist traditions. Dharma, in short, means proper conduct. The proper conduct envisaged under the term dharma is conduct in personal life: the acharya; and conduct toward others: the vyavaham. Thus, activities like ritual purification, personal hygiene regimes, and modes of dress are acharya and part of dharma. And prohibited and prescribed conduct while dealing with others is vyavahara. What is the right conduct depends upon multiple factors like one's social identity, age, gender, caste, marital status, order of life, etc. The scope of interpretation of dharma is very wide. Law in the modern sense is only a branch of dharma since dharma includes within its meaning religious, moral, social and legal duties. The dharma does not state in categorical terms the text of the law, but only the jurisprudential philosophy behind it. However, since the dharma and its understanding has been codified in the Modern Hindu Law, some aspects of dharma is a part of the codified law. |
Sources of Hindu Law or "dharma" |
Hindu Law and dharma finds its source in: Shruti, Smriti, Commentaries and Digests, Dharmasutras, Customs and Enactments. |
Shruti literally means what is heard. Shruti is believed to be the language of divine revelation. It is historically the primary and paramount source of Hindu Law. Shruti alludes to the four Vedas-Rig Veda, Yajur Veda, Atharva Veda and Sama Veda. It contains statements of fact and no statements of law. It refers to various rituals and practices and also tie rights and duties of people. |
Smriti literally means what is remembered, Smritis refer to the memory of the sages who were repositiories of the revelation, and they are also called the Dharmashastras. Smritis not only include the essence of Vedas but are also a statement of the practices of the contemporary society. They reflect the dharma as taught by the Vedic scholars and as accepted by the society. Thus, Smritis are more authoritiative statement of what is law. Smritis represent not only what ought to be the law but also the set of rules actually administered. In courts in India Smritis have been recognized as the authorities for stating law. In practice, even varied communities such as Jains and Buddhists have followed substantially the broad feature of Hindu Law as laid down in the Smriti. There are many Smritis of which Manusmnti is considered as the earliest one. It is revered by not only Hindu lawyers, but also by Buddhist writers of Java, Siam and Burma. Yajnavalkya Smriti is another very important Smriti as it is from this Smriti that most of the Hindu Law is derived. So much so that even today this Smriti is referred to in the highest court of the country whenever an occasion arises. Besides Manusmnti and Yajnavalkya Smriti, other important Smritis are Narada Smriti and Vishnu Smriti. |
The concept of "dharma" is central in Brahmanical traditions. It is also central in Jain and Buddhist traditions. Dharma, in short, means proper conduct. The proper conduct envisaged under the term dharma is conduct in personal life: the acharya; and conduct toward others: the vyavaham. Thus, activities like ritual purification, personal hygiene regimes, and modes of dress are acharya and part of dharma. And prohibited and prescribed conduct while dealing with others is vyavahara. What is the right conduct depends upon multiple factors like one's social identity, age, gender, caste, marital status, order of life, etc. The scope of interpretation of dharma is very wide. Law in the modern sense is only a branch of dharma since dharma includes within its meaning religious, moral, social and legal duties. The dharma does not state in categorical terms the text of the law, but only the jurisprudential philosophy behind it. However, since the dharma and its understanding has been codified in the Modern Hindu Law, some aspects of dharma is a part of the codified law. |
Sources of Hindu Law or "dharma" |
Hindu Law and dharma finds its source in: Shruti, Smriti, Commentaries and Digests, Dharmasutras, Customs and Enactments. |
Shruti literally means what is heard. Shruti is believed to be the language of divine revelation. It is historically the primary and paramount source of Hindu Law. Shruti alludes to the four Vedas-Rig Veda, Yajur Veda, Atharva Veda and Sama Veda. It contains statements of fact and no statements of law. It refers to various rituals and practices and also tie rights and duties of people. |
Smriti literally means what is remembered, Smritis refer to the memory of the sages who were repositiories of the revelation, and they are also called the Dharmashastras. Smritis not only include the essence of Vedas but are also a statement of the practices of the contemporary society. They reflect the dharma as taught by the Vedic scholars and as accepted by the society. Thus, Smritis are more authoritiative statement of what is law. Smritis represent not only what ought to be the law but also the set of rules actually administered. In courts in India Smritis have been recognized as the authorities for stating law. In practice, even varied communities such as Jains and Buddhists have followed substantially the broad feature of Hindu Law as laid down in the Smriti. There are many Smritis of which Manusmnti is considered as the earliest one. It is revered by not only Hindu lawyers, but also by Buddhist writers of Java, Siam and Burma. Yajnavalkya Smriti is another very important Smriti as it is from this Smriti that most of the Hindu Law is derived. So much so that even today this Smriti is referred to in the highest court of the country whenever an occasion arises. Besides Manusmnti and Yajnavalkya Smriti, other important Smritis are Narada Smriti and Vishnu Smriti. |
The concept of "dharma" is central in Brahmanical traditions. It is also central in Jain and Buddhist traditions. Dharma, in short, means proper conduct. The proper conduct envisaged under the term dharma is conduct in personal life: the acharya; and conduct toward others: the vyavaham. Thus, activities like ritual purification, personal hygiene regimes, and modes of dress are acharya and part of dharma. And prohibited and prescribed conduct while dealing with others is vyavahara. What is the right conduct depends upon multiple factors like one's social identity, age, gender, caste, marital status, order of life, etc. The scope of interpretation of dharma is very wide. Law in the modern sense is only a branch of dharma since dharma includes within its meaning religious, moral, social and legal duties. The dharma does not state in categorical terms the text of the law, but only the jurisprudential philosophy behind it. However, since the dharma and its understanding has been codified in the Modern Hindu Law, some aspects of dharma is a part of the codified law. |
Sources of Hindu Law or "dharma" |
Hindu Law and dharma finds its source in: Shruti, Smriti, Commentaries and Digests, Dharmasutras, Customs and Enactments. |
Shruti literally means what is heard. Shruti is believed to be the language of divine revelation. It is historically the primary and paramount source of Hindu Law. Shruti alludes to the four Vedas-Rig Veda, Yajur Veda, Atharva Veda and Sama Veda. It contains statements of fact and no statements of law. It refers to various rituals and practices and also tie rights and duties of people. |
Smriti literally means what is remembered, Smritis refer to the memory of the sages who were repositiories of the revelation, and they are also called the Dharmashastras. Smritis not only include the essence of Vedas but are also a statement of the practices of the contemporary society. They reflect the dharma as taught by the Vedic scholars and as accepted by the society. Thus, Smritis are more authoritiative statement of what is law. Smritis represent not only what ought to be the law but also the set of rules actually administered. In courts in India Smritis have been recognized as the authorities for stating law. In practice, even varied communities such as Jains and Buddhists have followed substantially the broad feature of Hindu Law as laid down in the Smriti. There are many Smritis of which Manusmnti is considered as the earliest one. It is revered by not only Hindu lawyers, but also by Buddhist writers of Java, Siam and Burma. Yajnavalkya Smriti is another very important Smriti as it is from this Smriti that most of the Hindu Law is derived. So much so that even today this Smriti is referred to in the highest court of the country whenever an occasion arises. Besides Manusmnti and Yajnavalkya Smriti, other important Smritis are Narada Smriti and Vishnu Smriti. |
The concept of "dharma" is central in Brahmanical traditions. It is also central in Jain and Buddhist traditions. Dharma, in short, means proper conduct. The proper conduct envisaged under the term dharma is conduct in personal life: the acharya; and conduct toward others: the vyavaham. Thus, activities like ritual purification, personal hygiene regimes, and modes of dress are acharya and part of dharma. And prohibited and prescribed conduct while dealing with others is vyavahara. What is the right conduct depends upon multiple factors like one's social identity, age, gender, caste, marital status, order of life, etc. The scope of interpretation of dharma is very wide. Law in the modern sense is only a branch of dharma since dharma includes within its meaning religious, moral, social and legal duties. The dharma does not state in categorical terms the text of the law, but only the jurisprudential philosophy behind it. However, since the dharma and its understanding has been codified in the Modern Hindu Law, some aspects of dharma is a part of the codified law. |
Sources of Hindu Law or "dharma" |
Hindu Law and dharma finds its source in: Shruti, Smriti, Commentaries and Digests, Dharmasutras, Customs and Enactments. |
Shruti literally means what is heard. Shruti is believed to be the language of divine revelation. It is historically the primary and paramount source of Hindu Law. Shruti alludes to the four Vedas-Rig Veda, Yajur Veda, Atharva Veda and Sama Veda. It contains statements of fact and no statements of law. It refers to various rituals and practices and also tie rights and duties of people. |
Smriti literally means what is remembered, Smritis refer to the memory of the sages who were repositiories of the revelation, and they are also called the Dharmashastras. Smritis not only include the essence of Vedas but are also a statement of the practices of the contemporary society. They reflect the dharma as taught by the Vedic scholars and as accepted by the society. Thus, Smritis are more authoritiative statement of what is law. Smritis represent not only what ought to be the law but also the set of rules actually administered. In courts in India Smritis have been recognized as the authorities for stating law. In practice, even varied communities such as Jains and Buddhists have followed substantially the broad feature of Hindu Law as laid down in the Smriti. There are many Smritis of which Manusmnti is considered as the earliest one. It is revered by not only Hindu lawyers, but also by Buddhist writers of Java, Siam and Burma. Yajnavalkya Smriti is another very important Smriti as it is from this Smriti that most of the Hindu Law is derived. So much so that even today this Smriti is referred to in the highest court of the country whenever an occasion arises. Besides Manusmnti and Yajnavalkya Smriti, other important Smritis are Narada Smriti and Vishnu Smriti. |
The work done to explain a particular Smriti is called a commentary. Commentaries were composed in the period immediately after 200 AD. Digests were mainly written after that and incorporated and explained material from all the Smritis. The most prominent commentary is Mitakshara. Mitakshara is a commentary written by a scholar named Vijyaneshwara; and it is a commentary on Yajnavalkya Smriti. In the matters of personal law, especially the partition of the joint property, Mitakshara law still governs all Hindus in India except in Bengal and Orissa. In Bengal and Orissa the Hindus are governed by Dayabhaga law. Dayabhaga is also a commentary on the Yajnavalkya Smriti written by a scholar named Jimutvahana. Dattaka Mimansa and Dattaka Chandrika which are the statements of law relating to adoption are the examples of Dharmasutras were written by the teachers of Vedas in the form of sutras as memoria technica by which the substance of the oral lessons might be recalled. Dharmasutras have also systematically categorised the Vedic knowledge for easy learning. The sutras of Dharmasutras dealing with social, moral and legal precepts are the rudimentary texts of laws. There are four main Dharmasutras namely: Gautama Dharmasutra, Baudhayana Dharmasutra, Apastamba Dharmasutra and Vashistha Dharmasutra. |
Over a period of time different interpretations of Shrutis and Smritis came to be adopted by people in different parts of the country. Such different interpretations were then consistently followed by them over a long period of time, and in this manner became binding custom for those people. Most of the Hindu Law is based on customs and practices followed by the people all across the country. Customary law is still a valid law in India. To be classified as a valid custom in modern India, a practice has to be ancient, should have existed continuously, should be certain and reasonable, and not against law, public policy or morality. Customs may be put into four categories-local customs, family customs caste/community custom and guild custom. Local customs are the customs that are allowed in a geographical area Family customs are the customs that are followed by family from a long time. They bind the families wherever they live. Caste/community customs are the customs that are followed by a particular caste or community. It is binding on the members of that community or caste. Guild customs are the customs that are followed by traders. |
Enactments are the laws that are made by the Legislature in modern times. These are the modern sources of Hindu Law. It includes legislations such as the Hindu Marriage Act, 1955; the Hindu Adoption and Maintenance Act, 1956; the Hindu Minority and Guardianship Act, 1956; the Hindu Succession Act, 1956; etc. |
The work done to explain a particular Smriti is called a commentary. Commentaries were composed in the period immediately after 200 AD. Digests were mainly written after that and incorporated and explained material from all the Smritis. The most prominent commentary is Mitakshara. Mitakshara is a commentary written by a scholar named Vijyaneshwara; and it is a commentary on Yajnavalkya Smriti. In the matters of personal law, especially the partition of the joint property, Mitakshara law still governs all Hindus in India except in Bengal and Orissa. In Bengal and Orissa the Hindus are governed by Dayabhaga law. Dayabhaga is also a commentary on the Yajnavalkya Smriti written by a scholar named Jimutvahana. Dattaka Mimansa and Dattaka Chandrika which are the statements of law relating to adoption are the examples of Dharmasutras were written by the teachers of Vedas in the form of sutras as memoria technica by which the substance of the oral lessons might be recalled. Dharmasutras have also systematically categorised the Vedic knowledge for easy learning. The sutras of Dharmasutras dealing with social, moral and legal precepts are the rudimentary texts of laws. There are four main Dharmasutras namely: Gautama Dharmasutra, Baudhayana Dharmasutra, Apastamba Dharmasutra and Vashistha Dharmasutra. |
Over a period of time different interpretations of Shrutis and Smritis came to be adopted by people in different parts of the country. Such different interpretations were then consistently followed by them over a long period of time, and in this manner became binding custom for those people. Most of the Hindu Law is based on customs and practices followed by the people all across the country. Customary law is still a valid law in India. To be classified as a valid custom in modern India, a practice has to be ancient, should have existed continuously, should be certain and reasonable, and not against law, public policy or morality. Customs may be put into four categories-local customs, family customs caste/community custom and guild custom. Local customs are the customs that are allowed in a geographical area Family customs are the customs that are followed by family from a long time. They bind the families wherever they live. Caste/community customs are the customs that are followed by a particular caste or community. It is binding on the members of that community or caste. Guild customs are the customs that are followed by traders. |
Enactments are the laws that are made by the Legislature in modern times. These are the modern sources of Hindu Law. It includes legislations such as the Hindu Marriage Act, 1955; the Hindu Adoption and Maintenance Act, 1956; the Hindu Minority and Guardianship Act, 1956; the Hindu Succession Act, 1956; etc. |
The work done to explain a particular Smriti is called a commentary. Commentaries were composed in the period immediately after 200 AD. Digests were mainly written after that and incorporated and explained material from all the Smritis. The most prominent commentary is Mitakshara. Mitakshara is a commentary written by a scholar named Vijyaneshwara; and it is a commentary on Yajnavalkya Smriti. In the matters of personal law, especially the partition of the joint property, Mitakshara law still governs all Hindus in India except in Bengal and Orissa. In Bengal and Orissa the Hindus are governed by Dayabhaga law. Dayabhaga is also a commentary on the Yajnavalkya Smriti written by a scholar named Jimutvahana. Dattaka Mimansa and Dattaka Chandrika which are the statements of law relating to adoption are the examples of Dharmasutras were written by the teachers of Vedas in the form of sutras as memoria technica by which the substance of the oral lessons might be recalled. Dharmasutras have also systematically categorised the Vedic knowledge for easy learning. The sutras of Dharmasutras dealing with social, moral and legal precepts are the rudimentary texts of laws. There are four main Dharmasutras namely: Gautama Dharmasutra, Baudhayana Dharmasutra, Apastamba Dharmasutra and Vashistha Dharmasutra. |
Over a period of time different interpretations of Shrutis and Smritis came to be adopted by people in different parts of the country. Such different interpretations were then consistently followed by them over a long period of time, and in this manner became binding custom for those people. Most of the Hindu Law is based on customs and practices followed by the people all across the country. Customary law is still a valid law in India. To be classified as a valid custom in modern India, a practice has to be ancient, should have existed continuously, should be certain and reasonable, and not against law, public policy or morality. Customs may be put into four categories-local customs, family customs caste/community custom and guild custom. Local customs are the customs that are allowed in a geographical area Family customs are the customs that are followed by family from a long time. They bind the families wherever they live. Caste/community customs are the customs that are followed by a particular caste or community. It is binding on the members of that community or caste. Guild customs are the customs that are followed by traders. |
Enactments are the laws that are made by the Legislature in modern times. These are the modern sources of Hindu Law. It includes legislations such as the Hindu Marriage Act, 1955; the Hindu Adoption and Maintenance Act, 1956; the Hindu Minority and Guardianship Act, 1956; the Hindu Succession Act, 1956; etc. |
The work done to explain a particular Smriti is called a commentary. Commentaries were composed in the period immediately after 200 AD. Digests were mainly written after that and incorporated and explained material from all the Smritis. The most prominent commentary is Mitakshara. Mitakshara is a commentary written by a scholar named Vijyaneshwara; and it is a commentary on Yajnavalkya Smriti. In the matters of personal law, especially the partition of the joint property, Mitakshara law still governs all Hindus in India except in Bengal and Orissa. In Bengal and Orissa the Hindus are governed by Dayabhaga law. Dayabhaga is also a commentary on the Yajnavalkya Smriti written by a scholar named Jimutvahana. Dattaka Mimansa and Dattaka Chandrika which are the statements of law relating to adoption are the examples of Dharmasutras were written by the teachers of Vedas in the form of sutras as memoria technica by which the substance of the oral lessons might be recalled. Dharmasutras have also systematically categorised the Vedic knowledge for easy learning. The sutras of Dharmasutras dealing with social, moral and legal precepts are the rudimentary texts of laws. There are four main Dharmasutras namely: Gautama Dharmasutra, Baudhayana Dharmasutra, Apastamba Dharmasutra and Vashistha Dharmasutra. |
Over a period of time different interpretations of Shrutis and Smritis came to be adopted by people in different parts of the country. Such different interpretations were then consistently followed by them over a long period of time, and in this manner became binding custom for those people. Most of the Hindu Law is based on customs and practices followed by the people all across the country. Customary law is still a valid law in India. To be classified as a valid custom in modern India, a practice has to be ancient, should have existed continuously, should be certain and reasonable, and not against law, public policy or morality. Customs may be put into four categories-local customs, family customs caste/community custom and guild custom. Local customs are the customs that are allowed in a geographical area Family customs are the customs that are followed by family from a long time. They bind the families wherever they live. Caste/community customs are the customs that are followed by a particular caste or community. It is binding on the members of that community or caste. Guild customs are the customs that are followed by traders. |
Enactments are the laws that are made by the Legislature in modern times. These are the modern sources of Hindu Law. It includes legislations such as the Hindu Marriage Act, 1955; the Hindu Adoption and Maintenance Act, 1956; the Hindu Minority and Guardianship Act, 1956; the Hindu Succession Act, 1956; etc. |
The work done to explain a particular Smriti is called a commentary. Commentaries were composed in the period immediately after 200 AD. Digests were mainly written after that and incorporated and explained material from all the Smritis. The most prominent commentary is Mitakshara. Mitakshara is a commentary written by a scholar named Vijyaneshwara; and it is a commentary on Yajnavalkya Smriti. In the matters of personal law, especially the partition of the joint property, Mitakshara law still governs all Hindus in India except in Bengal and Orissa. In Bengal and Orissa the Hindus are governed by Dayabhaga law. Dayabhaga is also a commentary on the Yajnavalkya Smriti written by a scholar named Jimutvahana. Dattaka Mimansa and Dattaka Chandrika which are the statements of law relating to adoption are the examples of Dharmasutras were written by the teachers of Vedas in the form of sutras as memoria technica by which the substance of the oral lessons might be recalled. Dharmasutras have also systematically categorised the Vedic knowledge for easy learning. The sutras of Dharmasutras dealing with social, moral and legal precepts are the rudimentary texts of laws. There are four main Dharmasutras namely: Gautama Dharmasutra, Baudhayana Dharmasutra, Apastamba Dharmasutra and Vashistha Dharmasutra. |
Over a period of time different interpretations of Shrutis and Smritis came to be adopted by people in different parts of the country. Such different interpretations were then consistently followed by them over a long period of time, and in this manner became binding custom for those people. Most of the Hindu Law is based on customs and practices followed by the people all across the country. Customary law is still a valid law in India. To be classified as a valid custom in modern India, a practice has to be ancient, should have existed continuously, should be certain and reasonable, and not against law, public policy or morality. Customs may be put into four categories-local customs, family customs caste/community custom and guild custom. Local customs are the customs that are allowed in a geographical area Family customs are the customs that are followed by family from a long time. They bind the families wherever they live. Caste/community customs are the customs that are followed by a particular caste or community. It is binding on the members of that community or caste. Guild customs are the customs that are followed by traders. |
Enactments are the laws that are made by the Legislature in modern times. These are the modern sources of Hindu Law. It includes legislations such as the Hindu Marriage Act, 1955; the Hindu Adoption and Maintenance Act, 1956; the Hindu Minority and Guardianship Act, 1956; the Hindu Succession Act, 1956; etc. |
The Hindu Law that was consolidated, developed and applied during the British period in India is called Anglo-Hindu Law. In 1772, Warren Hastings declared that in the matters of inheritance, marriage, caste and other religious usages or institutions, Muslims shall be governed by the law of Quran and Hindus shall be governed by the Shastras. During those days the Sharia was readily available for Muslims but for Hindus, and other non-Muslims such as Jains, Buddhists, Sikhs, Parsis and tribals, such consolidated information was not available. The period of Anglo-Hindu Law may be further divided into two phases. |
a. The first phase (1772-1864) |
From 1772 to 1864 is considered as the first phase. This phase had three main features: |
1. Firstly, it is during this phase that the Dharmashastras were collected and translated. Many British scholars like Henry Thomas Colebrooke, J.C.C. Sutherland, William Jones and Harry Borrodaile were the main contributors in this development. |
2. Secondly, the "court pundits" in various levels of British courts to aid British judges were invited. Their role was to interpret the Classical Hindu Law on issues that were brought before the courts. |
3. Thirdly, the court pundits became redundant after some time. This happened because the judicial decisions that were given with the help of such court pundits became the precedents, and the courts started relying on the precedents. Court pundits were no longer required. |
b. The second phase (1864-1947) |
The second phase begins with the dismissal of court pundits. It was during this time that the codification of Anglo-Hindu Law started. British Parliament passed a series of Acts during this time in order to improve the Hindu Law as it then stood. With such legislations and the development of case law the importance of Dharmashastras started diminishing. The British administrators undertook a massive task of collecting the customary laws through interviews, observations and discussions with locals. Such collection became the resources of the courts for future. Gradually the Dharmashastras lost its importance that it once held and the Indian legal system started taking colour of the British legal system. |
MODERN HINDU LAW |
After the independence of India, a need was felt to codify and amend the Hindu personal laws. Thus, the Hindu Code Bill was proposed. Hindu Code Bill aimed at consolidating the Hindu Law, and also reforming it wherever need. It led to a debate whether even the personal law should be applied to all citizens irrespective of religion or not. Hindu Code Bill Was progressive, secular and also sought to create a united Hindu population. In modern times the Hindu Law is to be found in many legislations passed by Parliament of India as well as in judicial precedents which frequently make reference to Dharmashastras to take a decision on any point. The main legislations dealing with Hindu Law are: the Hindu Marriage Act, 1955; the Hindu Succession Act, 1956; the Hindu Minority and Guardianship Act 1956; and the Hindu Adoptions and Maintenance Act, 1956. |
The Hindu Law that was consolidated, developed and applied during the British period in India is called Anglo-Hindu Law. In 1772, Warren Hastings declared that in the matters of inheritance, marriage, caste and other religious usages or institutions, Muslims shall be governed by the law of Quran and Hindus shall be governed by the Shastras. During those days the Sharia was readily available for Muslims but for Hindus, and other non-Muslims such as Jains, Buddhists, Sikhs, Parsis and tribals, such consolidated information was not available. The period of Anglo-Hindu Law may be further divided into two phases. |
a. The first phase (1772-1864) |
From 1772 to 1864 is considered as the first phase. This phase had three main features: |
1. Firstly, it is during this phase that the Dharmashastras were collected and translated. Many British scholars like Henry Thomas Colebrooke, J.C.C. Sutherland, William Jones and Harry Borrodaile were the main contributors in this development. |
2. Secondly, the court pundits in various levels of British courts to aid British judges were invited. Their role was to interpret the Classical Hindu Law on issues that were brought before the courts. |
3. Thirdly, the court pundits became redundant after some time. This happened because the judicial decisions that were given with the help of such court pundits became the precedents, and the courts started relying on the precedents. Court pundits were no longer required. |
b. The second phase (1864-1947) |
The second phase begins with the dismissal of court pundits. It was during this time that the codification of Anglo-Hindu Law started. British Parliament passed a series of Acts during this time in order to improve the Hindu Law as it then stood. With such legislations and the development of case law the importance of Dharmashastras started diminishing. The British administrators undertook a massive task of collecting the customary laws through interviews, observations and discussions with locals. Such collection became the resources of the courts for future. Gradually the Dharmashastras lost its importance that it once held and the Indian legal system started taking colour of the British legal system. |
MODERN HINDU LAW |
After the independence of India, a need was felt to codify and amend the Hindu personal laws. Thus, the Hindu Code Bill was proposed. Hindu Code Bill aimed at consolidating the Hindu Law, and also reforming it wherever need. It led to a debate whether even the personal law should be applied to all citizens irrespective of religion or not. Hindu Code Bill Was progressive, secular and also sought to create a united Hindu population. In modern times the Hindu Law is to be found in many legislations passed by Parliament of India as well as in judicial precedents which frequently make reference to Dharmashastras to take a decision on any point. The main legislations dealing with Hindu Law are: the Hindu Marriage Act, 1955; the Hindu Succession Act, 1956; the Hindu Minority and Guardianship Act 1956; and the Hindu Adoptions and Maintenance Act, 1956. |
The Hindu Law that was consolidated, developed and applied during the British period in India is called Anglo-Hindu Law. In 1772, Warren Hastings declared that in the matters of inheritance, marriage, caste and other religious usages or institutions, Muslims shall be governed by the law of Quran and Hindus shall be governed by the Shastras. During those days the Sharia was readily available for Muslims but for Hindus, and other non-Muslims such as Jains, Buddhists, Sikhs, Parsis and tribals, such consolidated information was not available. The period of Anglo-Hindu Law may be further divided into two phases. |
a. The first phase (1772-1864) |
From 1772 to 1864 is considered as the first phase. This phase had three main features: |
1. Firstly, it is during this phase that the Dharmashastras were collected and translated. Many British scholars like Henry Thomas Colebrooke, J.C.C. Sutherland, William Jones and Harry Borrodaile were the main contributors in this development. |
2. Secondly, the court pundits in various levels of British courts to aid British judges were invited. Their role was to interpret the Classical Hindu Law on issues that were brought before the courts. |
3. Thirdly, the court pundits became redundant after some time. This happened because the judicial decisions that were given with the help of such court pundits became the precedents, and the courts started relying on the precedents. Court pundits were no longer required. |
b. The second phase (1864-1947) |
The second phase begins with the dismissal of court pundits. It was during this time that the codification of Anglo-Hindu Law started. British Parliament passed a series of Acts during this time in order to improve the Hindu Law as it then stood. With such legislations and the development of case law the importance of Dharmashastras started diminishing. The British administrators undertook a massive task of collecting the customary laws through interviews, observations and discussions with locals. Such collection became the resources of the courts for future. Gradually the Dharmashastras lost its importance that it once held and the Indian legal system started taking colour of the British legal system. |
MODERN HINDU LAW |
After the independence of India, a need was felt to codify and amend the Hindu personal laws. Thus, the Hindu Code Bill was proposed. Hindu Code Bill aimed at consolidating the Hindu Law, and also reforming it wherever need. It led to a debate whether even the personal law should be applied to all citizens irrespective of religion or not. Hindu Code Bill Was progressive, secular and also sought to create a united Hindu population. In modern times the Hindu Law is to be found in many legislations passed by Parliament of India as well as in judicial precedents which frequently make reference to Dharmashastras to take a decision on any point. The main legislations dealing with Hindu Law are: the Hindu Marriage Act, 1955; the Hindu Succession Act, 1956; the Hindu Minority and Guardianship Act 1956; and the Hindu Adoptions and Maintenance Act, 1956. |
The Hindu Law that was consolidated, developed and applied during the British period in India is called Anglo-Hindu Law. In 1772, Warren Hastings declared that in the matters of inheritance, marriage, caste and other religious usages or institutions, Muslims shall be governed by the law of Quran and Hindus shall be governed by the Shastras. During those days the Sharia was readily available for Muslims but for Hindus, and other non-Muslims such as Jains, Buddhists, Sikhs, Parsis and tribals, such consolidated information was not available. The period of Anglo-Hindu Law may be further divided into two phases. |
a. The first phase (1772-1864) |
From 1772 to 1864 is considered as the first phase. This phase had three main features: |
1. Firstly, it is during this phase that the Dharmashastras were collected and translated. Many British scholars like Henry Thomas Colebrooke, J.C.C. Sutherland, William Jones and Harry Borrodaile were the main contributors in this development. |
2. Secondly, the court pundits in various levels of British courts to aid British judges were invited. Their role was to interpret the Classical Hindu Law on issues that were brought before the courts. |
3. Thirdly, the court pundits became redundant after some time. This happened because the judicial decisions that were given with the help of such court pundits became the precedents, and the courts started relying on the precedents. Court pundits were no longer required. |
b. The second phase (1864-1947) |
The second phase begins with the dismissal of court pundits. It was during this time that the codification of Anglo-Hindu Law started. British Parliament passed a series of Acts during this time in order to improve the Hindu Law as it then stood. With such legislations and the development of case law the importance of Dharmashastras started diminishing. The British administrators undertook a massive task of collecting the customary laws through interviews, observations and discussions with locals. Such collection became the resources of the courts for future. Gradually the Dharmashastras lost its importance that it once held and the Indian legal system started taking colour of the British legal system. |
MODERN HINDU LAW |
After the independence of India, a need was felt to codify and amend the Hindu personal laws. Thus, the Hindu Code Bill was proposed. Hindu Code Bill aimed at consolidating the Hindu Law, and also reforming it wherever need. It led to a debate whether even the personal law should be applied to all citizens irrespective of religion or not. Hindu Code Bill Was progressive, secular and also sought to create a united Hindu population. In modern times the Hindu Law is to be found in many legislations passed by Parliament of India as well as in judicial precedents which frequently make reference to Dharmashastras to take a decision on any point. The main legislations dealing with Hindu Law are: the Hindu Marriage Act, 1955; the Hindu Succession Act, 1956; the Hindu Minority and Guardianship Act 1956; and the Hindu Adoptions and Maintenance Act, 1956. |
The Hindu Law that was consolidated, developed and applied during the British period in India is called Anglo-Hindu Law. In 1772, Warren Hastings declared that in the matters of inheritance, marriage, caste and other religious usages or institutions, Muslims shall be governed by the law of Quran and Hindus shall be governed by the Shastras. During those days the Sharia was readily available for Muslims but for Hindus, and other non-Muslims such as Jains, Buddhists, Sikhs, Parsis and tribals, such consolidated information was not available. The period of Anglo-Hindu Law may be further divided into two phases. |
a. The first phase (1772-1864) |
From 1772 to 1864 is considered as the first phase. This phase had three main features: |
1. Firstly, it is during this phase that the Dharmashastras were collected and translated. Many British scholars like Henry Thomas Colebrooke, J.C.C. Sutherland, William Jones and Harry Borrodaile were the main contributors in this development. |
2. Secondly, the "court pundits" in various levels of British courts to aid British judges were invited. Their role was to interpret the Classical Hindu Law on issues that were brought before the courts. |
3. Thirdly, the "court pundits" became redundant after some time. This happened because the judicial decisions that were given with the help of such court pundits became the precedents, and the courts started relying on the precedents. Court pundits were no longer required. |
b. The second phase (1864-1947) |
The second phase begins with the dismissal of court pundits. It was during this time that the codification of Anglo-Hindu Law started. British Parliament passed a series of Acts during this time in order to improve the Hindu Law as it then stood. With such legislations and the development of case law the importance of Dharmashastras started diminishing. The British administrators undertook a massive task of collecting the customary laws through interviews, observations and discussions with locals. Such collection became the resources of the courts for future. Gradually the Dharmashastras lost its importance that it once held and the Indian legal system started taking colour of the British legal system. |
MODERN HINDU LAW |
After the independence of India, a need was felt to codify and amend the Hindu personal laws. Thus, the Hindu Code Bill was proposed. Hindu Code Bill aimed at consolidating the Hindu Law, and also reforming it wherever need. It led to a debate whether even the personal law should be applied to all citizens irrespective of religion or not. Hindu Code Bill Was progressive, secular and also sought to create a united Hindu population. In modern times the Hindu Law is to be found in many legislations passed by Parliament of India as well as in judicial precedents which frequently make reference to Dharmashastras to take a decision on any point. The main legislations dealing with Hindu Law are: the Hindu Marriage Act, 1955; the Hindu Succession Act, 1956; the Hindu Minority and Guardianship Act 1956; and the Hindu Adoptions and Maintenance Act, 1956. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
Fortuitous realism shows the childs drawing as mostly scribbles but the child can see real life objects within the marks. The child will do this again and again and notice these 'accidental' representations, until they reach the point where they will set out intending to draw something representational from real life. The child will be entering .the second stage which is failed realism when they consistently set out with the intent to draw something resembling real life. Intellectual realism occurs when improvements of the childs concentration and attention occurs. It means the drawing will depict prominent important features of the object. This is the stage where the child will feel it is important that the denning features in the shape are drawn. The sense of real world leads to the child wanting to draw life like representations of an object and this takes the child into the visual realism. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
Fortuitous realism shows the childs drawing as mostly scribbles but the child can see real life objects within the marks. The child will do this again and again and notice these 'accidental' representations, until they reach the point where they will set out intending to draw something representational from real life. The child will be entering .the second stage which is failed realism when they consistently set out with the intent to draw something resembling real life. Intellectual realism occurs when improvements of the childs concentration and attention occurs. It means the drawing will depict prominent important features of the object. This is the stage where the child will feel it is important that the denning features in the shape are drawn. The sense of real world leads to the child wanting to draw life like representations of an object and this takes the child into the visual realism. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
Fortuitous realism shows the childs drawing as mostly scribbles but the child can see real life objects within the marks. The child will do this again and again and notice these 'accidental' representations, until they reach the point where they will set out intending to draw something representational from real life. The child will be entering .the second stage which is failed realism when they consistently set out with the intent to draw something resembling real life. Intellectual realism occurs when improvements of the childs concentration and attention occurs. It means the drawing will depict prominent important features of the object. This is the stage where the child will feel it is important that the denning features in the shape are drawn. The sense of real world leads to the child wanting to draw life like representations of an object and this takes the child into the visual realism. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
Fortuitous realism shows the childs drawing as mostly scribbles but the child can see real life objects within the marks. The child will do this again and again and notice these accidental representations, until they reach the point where they will set out intending to draw something representational from real life. The child will be entering .the second stage which is failed realism when they consistently set out with the intent to draw something resembling real life. Intellectual realism occurs when improvements of the childs concentration and attention occurs. It means the drawing will depict prominent important features of the object. This is the stage where the child will feel it is important that the denning features in the shape are drawn. The sense of real world leads to the child wanting to draw life like representations of an object and this takes the child into the visual realism. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
The financial market with its thousands of different products such as stocks, bonds, commodities, market indices and currencies generate a lot of data every second, which has accumulated to high data volumes throughout these years. The main challenge in high data volume field lies in analyzing the data under different perspectives and assumptions to understand historical and current scenarios and then monitoring the market to forecast temporal trends and to identify advantageous recurring behaviors with the help of data volumes. Visual analytics applications can help analysts, investors and researchers in obtaining insights and understanding into previous stock market developments, as well as supporting the decision-making progress by monitoring the stock market in real-time. This analytics are to take necessary actions for a competitive advantage. This kind of interesting domain with its huge amount of complex data serves as a motivation and challenge to try new methods. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
The financial market with its thousands of different products such as stocks, bonds, commodities, market indices and currencies generate a lot of data every second, which has accumulated to high data volumes throughout these years. The main challenge in high data volume field lies in analyzing the data under different perspectives and assumptions to understand historical and current scenarios and then monitoring the market to forecast temporal trends and to identify advantageous recurring behaviors with the help of data volumes. Visual analytics applications can help analysts, investors and researchers in obtaining insights and understanding into previous stock market developments, as well as supporting the decision-making progress by monitoring the stock market in real-time. This analytics are to take necessary actions for a competitive advantage. This kind of interesting domain with its huge amount of complex data serves as a motivation and challenge to try new methods. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
The financial market with its thousands of different products such as stocks, bonds, commodities, market indices and currencies generate a lot of data every second, which has accumulated to high data volumes throughout these years. The main challenge in high data volume field lies in analyzing the data under different perspectives and assumptions to understand historical and current scenarios and then monitoring the market to forecast temporal trends and to identify advantageous recurring behaviors with the help of data volumes. Visual analytics applications can help analysts, investors and researchers in obtaining insights and understanding into previous stock market developments, as well as supporting the decision-making progress by monitoring the stock market in real-time. This analytics are to take necessary actions for a competitive advantage. This kind of interesting domain with its huge amount of complex data serves as a motivation and challenge to try new methods. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
The financial market with its thousands of different products such as stocks, bonds, commodities, market indices and currencies generate a lot of data every second, which has accumulated to high data volumes throughout these years. The main challenge in high data volume field lies in analyzing the data under different perspectives and assumptions to understand historical and current scenarios and then monitoring the market to forecast temporal trends and to identify advantageous recurring behaviors with the help of data volumes. Visual analytics applications can help analysts, investors and researchers in obtaining insights and understanding into previous stock market developments, as well as supporting the decision-making progress by monitoring the stock market in real-time. This analytics are to take necessary actions for a competitive advantage. This kind of interesting domain with its huge amount of complex data serves as a motivation and challenge to try new methods. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
India is an extremely diverse nation with heavy traditional influence. Many different religious beliefs coexist peacefully in the country, and the government is becoming increasingly more secular every year as shown through the public celebration of virtually every major religious holiday in India. In contrast to religions constant development in India, the idea of arranged marriage has been deeply ingrained into Indian tradition, and many citizens, both young and old, could not picture other forms of matrimony as suitable. In an arranged marriage, parents seek out prospective brides or bridegrooms for their children with selection rationale ranging from educational level, family wealth, and the most important of them all with caste membership. The Manusmriti, an authoritave and highly influential book translated as The Laws of Manu is regarded as acknowledging and justifying the caste system as the basis of order and regularity of society including marriages. Independent Indias constitution banned discrimination based on caste and gender in an attempt to correct historical injustices, however, as previously mentioned, caste membership has an effect on the outcome of an arranged marriage. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
India is an extremely diverse nation with heavy traditional influence. Many different religious beliefs coexist peacefully in the country, and the government is becoming increasingly more secular every year as shown through the public celebration of virtually every major religious holiday in India. In contrast to religions constant development in India, the idea of arranged marriage has been deeply ingrained into Indian tradition, and many citizens, both young and old, could not picture other forms of matrimony as suitable. In an arranged marriage, parents seek out prospective brides or bridegrooms for their children with selection rationale ranging from educational level, family wealth, and the most important of them all with caste membership. The Manusmriti, an authoritave and highly influential book translated as The Laws of Manu is regarded as acknowledging and justifying the caste system as the basis of order and regularity of society including marriages. Independent Indias constitution banned discrimination based on caste and gender in an attempt to correct historical injustices, however, as previously mentioned, caste membership has an effect on the outcome of an arranged marriage. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
India is an extremely diverse nation with heavy traditional influence. Many different religious beliefs coexist peacefully in the country, and the government is becoming increasingly more secular every year as shown through the public celebration of virtually every major religious holiday in India. In contrast to religions constant development in India, the idea of arranged marriage has been deeply ingrained into Indian tradition, and many citizens, both young and old, could not picture other forms of matrimony as suitable. In an arranged marriage, parents seek out prospective brides or bridegrooms for their children with selection rationale ranging from educational level, family wealth, and the most important of them all with caste membership. The Manusmriti, an authoritave and highly influential book translated as "The Laws of Manu" is regarded as acknowledging and justifying the caste system as the basis of order and regularity of society including marriages. Independent India's constitution banned discrimination based on caste and gender in an attempt to correct historical injustices, however, as previously mentioned, caste membership has an effect on the outcome of an arranged marriage. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
India is an extremely diverse nation with heavy traditional influence. Many different religious beliefs coexist peacefully in the country, and the government is becoming increasingly more secular every year as shown through the public celebration of virtually every major religious holiday in India. In contrast to religions constant development in India, the idea of arranged marriage has been deeply ingrained into Indian tradition, and many citizens, both young and old, could not picture other forms of matrimony as suitable. In an arranged marriage, parents seek out prospective brides or bridegrooms for their children with selection rationale ranging from educational level, family wealth, and the most important of them all with caste membership. The Manusmriti, an authoritave and highly influential book translated as "The Laws of Manu" is regarded as acknowledging and justifying the caste system as the basis of order and regularity of society including marriages. Independent India's constitution banned discrimination based on caste and gender in an attempt to correct historical injustices, however, as previously mentioned, caste membership has an effect on the outcome of an arranged marriage. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
India is an extremely diverse nation with heavy traditional influence. Many different religious beliefs coexist peacefully in the country, and the government is becoming increasingly more secular every year as shown through the public celebration of virtually every major religious holiday in India. In contrast to religions constant development in India, the idea of arranged marriage has been deeply ingrained into Indian tradition, and many citizens, both young and old, could not picture other forms of matrimony as suitable. In an arranged marriage, parents seek out prospective brides or bridegrooms for their children with selection rationale ranging from educational level, family wealth, and the most important of them all with caste membership. The Manusmriti, an authoritave and highly influential book translated as "The Laws of Manu" is regarded as acknowledging and justifying the caste system as the basis of order and regularity of society including marriages. Independent India's constitution banned discrimination based on caste and gender in an attempt to correct historical injustices, however, as previously mentioned, caste membership has an effect on the outcome of an arranged marriage. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
Attachment is an imperative part of a childs survival and is the foundation for all future relationships. There are many factors that affect the attachment style of each infant, however, the developmental research focuses on the "clear-cut" attachment time period and how the absence of a caregiver affects an infants desire to explore their environment in an unfamiliar situation with a stranger. Children with a secure attachment style were comfortable in their novel environment and displayed several explorative behaviours while their mothers were present. However, with the departure of their safety base, infants display far less exploratory behaviours and are likely to increase in attachment prior to reuniting, especially in the event of multiple departures. A healthy, secure attachment style is the best foundation for a child's development and is mostly characterized by the quality of care and parenting styles. Children with early, stable, loving caregivers are likely to develop secure attachment styles, characterized with a trust in self and environment. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
Attachment is an imperative part of a childs survival and is the foundation for all future relationships. There are many factors that affect the attachment style of each infant, however, the developmental research focuses on the "clear-cut" attachment time period and how the absence of a caregiver affects an infants desire to explore their environment in an unfamiliar situation with a stranger. Children with a secure attachment style were comfortable in their novel environment and displayed several explorative behaviours while their mothers were present. However, with the departure of their safety base, infants display far less exploratory behaviours and are likely to increase in attachment prior to reuniting, especially in the event of multiple departures. A healthy, secure attachment style is the best foundation for a child's development and is mostly characterized by the quality of care and parenting styles. Children with early, stable, loving caregivers are likely to develop secure attachment styles, characterized with a trust in self and environment. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
Attachment is an imperative part of a childs survival and is the foundation for all future relationships. There are many factors that affect the attachment style of each infant, however, the developmental research focuses on the "clear-cut" attachment time period and how the absence of a caregiver affects an infants desire to explore their environment in an unfamiliar situation with a stranger. Children with a secure attachment style were comfortable in their novel environment and displayed several explorative behaviours while their mothers were present. However, with the departure of their safety base, infants display far less exploratory behaviours and are likely to increase in attachment prior to reuniting, especially in the event of multiple departures. A healthy, secure attachment style is the best foundation for a child's development and is mostly characterized by the quality of care and parenting styles. Children with early, stable, loving caregivers are likely to develop secure attachment styles, characterized with a trust in self and environment. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
Attachment is an imperative part of a childs survival and is the foundation for all future relationships. There are many factors that affect the attachment style of each infant, however, the developmental research focuses on the "clear-cut" attachment time period and how the absence of a caregiver affects an infants desire to explore their environment in an unfamiliar situation with a stranger. Children with a secure attachment style were comfortable in their novel environment and displayed several explorative behaviours while their mothers were present. However, with the departure of their safety base, infants display far less exploratory behaviours and are likely to increase in attachment prior to reuniting, especially in the event of multiple departures. A healthy, secure attachment style is the best foundation for a child's development and is mostly characterized by the quality of care and parenting styles. Children with early, stable, loving caregivers are likely to develop secure attachment styles, characterized with a trust in self and environment. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
Attachment is an imperative part of a childs survival and is the foundation for all future relationships. There are many factors that affect the attachment style of each infant, however, the developmental research focuses on the "clear-cut" attachment time period and how the absence of a caregiver affects an infants desire to explore their environment in an unfamiliar situation with a stranger. Children with a secure attachment style were comfortable in their novel environment and displayed several explorative behaviours while their mothers were present. However, with the departure of their safety base, infants display far less exploratory behaviours and are likely to increase in attachment prior to reuniting, especially in the event of multiple departures. A healthy, secure attachment style is the best foundation for a child's development and is mostly characterized by the quality of care and parenting styles. Children with early, stable, loving caregivers are likely to develop secure attachment styles, characterized with a trust in self and environment. |
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The three main branches of the government are the Legislative, Executive and Judiciary. The Judiciary branch of the government acts as a law enforcement authority, also it has powers to make or strike down a law if it violates the constitution. Aside from that the judicial branch also has a well-known power which is recommended by the Supreme courts called "The Judicial Review". In simple words it is a legal process with different branches in which high courts deals with the performance and effectiveness of the other two branches of the government (Legislative and Executive) if they are violating the constitution. This process is carried out by exceptional court and not by the regular courts in many countries. |
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The three main branches of the government are the Legislative, Executive and Judiciary. The Judiciary branch of the government acts as a law enforcement authority, also it has powers to make or strike down a law if it violates the constitution. Aside from that the judicial branch also has a well-known power which is recommended by the Supreme courts called "The Judicial Review". In simple words it is a legal process with different branches in which high courts deals with the performance and effectiveness of the other two branches of the government (Legislative and Executive) if they are violating the constitution. This process is carried out by exceptional court and not by the regular courts in many countries. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
The three main branches of the government are the Legislative, Executive and Judiciary. The Judiciary branch of the government acts as a law enforcement authority, also it has powers to make or strike down a law if it violates the constitution. Aside from that the judicial branch also has a well-known power which is recommended by the Supreme courts called "The Judicial Review". In simple words it is a legal process with different branches in which high courts deals with the performance and effectiveness of the other two branches of the government (Legislative and Executive) if they are violating the constitution. This process is carried out by exceptional court and not by the regular courts in many countries. |
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In the contemporary world, the internet has taken an incredible place in our society. It has changed the way we communicate, particularly on social media which continue to dictate our new media technologies. The rapid growth of social media perhaps increases the rate of public participation by providing a common discussion platform for us to share our opinions with millions of other people. However, the progression of digital space has led to the development of its subgroups and laughs in digital space. Many sources of humor originate from the "Internet Meme" which appears insignificant on the surface level but has a deeper meaning for people who creates them and for their intended audiences. |
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In the contemporary world, the internet has taken an incredible place in our society. It has changed the way we communicate, particularly on social media which continue to dictate our new media technologies. The rapid growth of social media perhaps increases the rate of public participation by providing a common discussion platform for us to share our opinions with millions of other people. However, the progression of digital space has led to the development of its subgroups and laughs in digital space. Many sources of humor originate from the "Internet Meme" which appears insignificant on the surface level but has a deeper meaning for people who creates them and for their intended audiences. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
In the contemporary world, the internet has taken an incredible place in our society. It has changed the way we communicate, particularly on social media which continue to dictate our new media technologies. The rapid growth of social media perhaps increases the rate of public participation by providing a common discussion platform for us to share our opinions with millions of other people. However, the progression of digital space has led to the development of its subgroups and laughs in digital space. Many sources of humor originate from the "Internet Meme" which appears insignificant on the surface level but has a deeper meaning for people who creates them and for their intended audiences. |
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Arab societies are undergoing major changes as new patterns of marriage and family formation emerge across the region. For long decades, early marriage was the common pattern in the Arab world. However, it is no longer the only pattern. The average age of marriage is rising and more Arab women are staying single for a long time and sometimes they don't get married at all. The changes of marriage trends in the Arab world reflect the social and economic changes taking place in the region. Arab economies moved away from agrarian based systems which supported both early marriage and extended family numbers. Today, Arab women are more educated and more likely to work outside their homes for personal and financial independence. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
Arab societies are undergoing major changes as new patterns of marriage and family formation emerge across the region. For long decades, early marriage was the common pattern in the Arab world. However, it is no longer the only pattern. The average age of marriage is rising and more Arab women are staying single for a long time and sometimes they don't get married at all. The changes of marriage trends in the Arab world reflect the social and economic changes taking place in the region. Arab economies moved away from agrarian based systems which supported both early marriage and extended family numbers. Today, Arab women are more educated and more likely to work outside their homes for personal and financial independence. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
Arab societies are undergoing major changes as new patterns of marriage and family formation emerge across the region. For long decades, early marriage was the common pattern in the Arab world. However, it is no longer the only pattern. The average age of marriage is rising and more Arab women are staying single for a long time and sometimes they don't get married at all. The changes of marriage trends in the Arab world reflect the social and economic changes taking place in the region. Arab economies moved away from agrarian based systems which supported both early marriage and extended family numbers. Today, Arab women are more educated and more likely to work outside their homes for personal and financial independence. |
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Formalism has a specific approach of art criticism and hypothesis to which all visual art has a fundamental importance. It is determined by the artist's ability to accomplish a visual order and the balance of certain elements' reality within a painting or image. No matter how much artistic technique and taste may transform over a period of time, formalism holds that these realities are constant. The focus of formalism is deeply ingrained in ancient thought, for they believed that the cosmos is ruled by numerical association or in the concept of form as inelegant quality of things. So, the formalists only concentrated on formal assets of works of art. |
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Formalism has a specific approach of art criticism and hypothesis to which all visual art has a fundamental importance. It is determined by the artist's ability to accomplish a visual order and the balance of certain elements' reality within a painting or image. No matter how much artistic technique and taste may transform over a period of time, formalism holds that these realities are constant. The focus of formalism is deeply ingrained in ancient thought, for they believed that the cosmos is ruled by numerical association or in the concept of form as inelegant quality of things. So, the formalists only concentrated on formal assets of works of art. |
Direction: Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
Formalism has a specific approach of art criticism and hypothesis to which all visual art has a fundamental importance. It is determined by the artist's ability to accomplish a visual order and the balance of certain elements' reality within a painting or image. No matter how much artistic technique and taste may transform over a period of time, formalism holds that these realities are constant. The focus of formalism is deeply ingrained in ancient thought, for they believed that the cosmos is ruled by numerical association or in the concept of form as inelegant quality of things. So, the formalists only concentrated on formal assets of works of art. |
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Direction: Study the following graph and table carefully and answer the questions given below: | |||||||||||||||||||||
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Direction: Study the following graph and table carefully and answer the questions given below: | |||||||||||||||||||||
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Direction: In the following table, the number of employees working in five companies and the corresponding ratio of male and female employees have been given. You are required to study the table carefully and answer the questions: | ||||||||||||||||||
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Direction: In the following table, the number of employees working in five companies and the corresponding ratio of male and female employees have been given. You are required to study the table carefully and answer the questions: | ||||||||||||||||||
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Direction: In the following table, the number of employees working in five companies and the corresponding ratio of male and female employees have been given. You are required to study the table carefully and answer the questions: | ||||||||||||||||||
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Direction: In the following table, the number of employees working in five companies and the corresponding ratio of male and female employees have been given. You are required to study the table carefully and answer the questions: | ||||||||||||||||||
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Direction: In the following table, the number of employees working in five companies and the corresponding ratio of male and female employees have been given. You are required to study the table carefully and answer the questions: | ||||||||||||||||||
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Direction: Study the following information carefully to answer the questions that follow: |
There are two Trains, Train-A and Train-B. Both Trains have four different types of Coaches viz. General Coaches, Sleeper Coaches, First Class Coaches and AC Coaches. In Train A there are total 700 passengers. Train-B has thirty percent more passengers than Train A. Twenty percent of the passengers of Train-A are in General Coaches. One-fourth of the total number of passengers of Train-A are in AC coaches. Twenty three percent of the passengers of Train-A are in Sleeper Class Coaches. Remaining passengers of Train-A are in first class coaches. Total number of passengers in AC coaches in both the trains together is 480. Thirty percent of the number of passengers of Train-B is in Sleeper Class Coaches. Ten percent of the total passengers of Train-B are in first class coaches. Remaining passengers of Train-B are in general class coaches. |
Direction: Study the following information carefully to answer the questions that follow: |
There are two Trains, Train-A and Train-B. Both Trains have four different types of Coaches viz. General Coaches, Sleeper Coaches, First Class Coaches and AC Coaches. In Train A there are total 700 passengers. Train-B has thirty percent more passengers than Train A. Twenty percent of the passengers of Train-A are in General Coaches. One-fourth of the total number of passengers of Train-A are in AC coaches. Twenty three percent of the passengers of Train-A are in Sleeper Class Coaches. Remaining passengers of Train-A are in first class coaches. Total number of passengers in AC coaches in both the trains together is 480. Thirty percent of the number of passengers of Train-B is in Sleeper Class Coaches. Ten percent of the total passengers of Train-B are in first class coaches. Remaining passengers of Train-B are in general class coaches. |
Direction: Study the following information carefully to answer the questions that follow: |
There are two Trains, Train-A and Train-B. Both Trains have four different types of Coaches viz. General Coaches, Sleeper Coaches, First Class Coaches and AC Coaches. In Train A there are total 700 passengers. Train-B has thirty percent more passengers than Train A. Twenty percent of the passengers of Train-A are in General Coaches. One-fourth of the total number of passengers of Train-A are in AC coaches. Twenty three percent of the passengers of Train-A are in Sleeper Class Coaches. Remaining passengers of Train-A are in first class coaches. Total number of passengers in AC coaches in both the trains together is 480. Thirty percent of the number of passengers of Train-B is in Sleeper Class Coaches. Ten percent of the total passengers of Train-B are in first class coaches. Remaining passengers of Train-B are in general class coaches. |
Direction: Study the following information carefully to answer the questions that follow: |
There are two Trains, Train-A and Train-B. Both Trains have four different types of Coaches viz. General Coaches, Sleeper Coaches, First Class Coaches and AC Coaches. In Train A there are total 700 passengers. Train-B has thirty percent more passengers than Train A. Twenty percent of the passengers of Train-A are in General Coaches. One-fourth of the total number of passengers of Train-A are in AC coaches. Twenty three percent of the passengers of Train-A are in Sleeper Class Coaches. Remaining passengers of Train-A are in first class coaches. Total number of passengers in AC coaches in both the trains together is 480. Thirty percent of the number of passengers of Train-B is in Sleeper Class Coaches. Ten percent of the total passengers of Train-B are in first class coaches. Remaining passengers of Train-B are in general class coaches. |
Direction: Study the following information carefully to answer the questions that follow: |
There are two Trains, Train-A and Train-B. Both Trains have four different types of Coaches viz. General Coaches, Sleeper Coaches, First Class Coaches and AC Coaches. In Train A there are total 700 passengers. Train-B has thirty percent more passengers than Train A. Twenty percent of the passengers of Train-A are in General Coaches. One-fourth of the total number of passengers of Train-A are in AC coaches. Twenty three percent of the passengers of Train-A are in Sleeper Class Coaches. Remaining passengers of Train-A are in first class coaches. Total number of passengers in AC coaches in both the trains together is 480. Thirty percent of the number of passengers of Train-B is in Sleeper Class Coaches. Ten percent of the total passengers of Train-B are in first class coaches. Remaining passengers of Train-B are in general class coaches. |
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