Directions Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions following that. If religion and community are associated with global violence in the minds of many people, then so are global poverty and inequality. There has, in fact, been an increasing tendency in recent years to justify policies of poverty removal on the ground that this is the surest way to prevent political strife and turmoil. Basing public policy-international as well as domestic-on such an understanding has some evident attractions. Given the public anxiety about wars and disorders in the rich countries in the world, the indirect justification of poverty removal - not for its own sake but for the sake of peace and quiet in the world-provides an argument that appeals to self-interest for helping the needy. It presents an argument for allocating more resources on poverty removal because of its presumed political, rather than moral relevance. While the temptation to go in that direction is easy to understand, it is a perilous route to take even for a worthy cause. Part of the difficulty lies in the possibility that if wrong, economic reductionism would not only impair our understanding of the world, but would also tend to undermine the declared rationale of the public commitment to remove poverty. This is a particularly serious concern, since poverty and massive inequality are terrible enough in themselves, and deserve priority even if there were no connection whatsoever with violence. Just as virtue is its own reward, poverty is at least its own penalty. This is not to deny that poverty and inequality can-and do-have far reaching consequences with conflict and strife, but these connections have to be examined and investigated with appropriate care and empirical scrutiny, rather than being casually invoked with unreasoned rapidity in support of a 'good cause'. Destitution can, of course, produce provocation for defying established laws and rules. But it need not give people the initiative, courage, and actual ability to do anything very violent. Destitution can be accompanied not only by economic debility, but also by political helplessness. A starving wretch can be too frail and too dejected to fight and battle, and even to protest and holler. It is thus not surprising that often enough intense and widespread suffering and misery have been accompanied by unusual peace and silence. Indeed, many famines have occurred without there being much political rebellion or civil strife or intergroup warfare. For example, the famine years in the 1840s in Ireland were among the most peaceful, and there was little attempt by the hungry masses to intervene even as ship after ship sailed down the river Shannon with rich food. Looking elsewhere, my own childhood memories in Calcutta during the Bengal famine of 1943 include the sight of starving people dying in front of sweetshops with various layers of luscious food displayed behind the glass windows, without a single glass being broken, or law or order being disrupted. |
Directions Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions following that. If religion and community are associated with global violence in the minds of many people, then so are global poverty and inequality. There has, in fact, been an increasing tendency in recent years to justify policies of poverty removal on the ground that this is the surest way to prevent political strife and turmoil. Basing public policy-international as well as domestic-on such an understanding has some evident attractions. Given the public anxiety about wars and disorders in the rich countries in the world, the indirect justification of poverty removal - not for its own sake but for the sake of peace and quiet in the world-provides an argument that appeals to self-interest for helping the needy. It presents an argument for allocating more resources on poverty removal because of its presumed political, rather than moral relevance. While the temptation to go in that direction is easy to understand, it is a perilous route to take even for a worthy cause. Part of the difficulty lies in the possibility that if wrong, economic reductionism would not only impair our understanding of the world, but would also tend to undermine the declared rationale of the public commitment to remove poverty. This is a particularly serious concern, since poverty and massive inequality are terrible enough in themselves, and deserve priority even if there were no connection whatsoever with violence. Just as virtue is its own reward, poverty is at least its own penalty. This is not to deny that poverty and inequality can-and do-have far reaching consequences with conflict and strife, but these connections have to be examined and investigated with appropriate care and empirical scrutiny, rather than being casually invoked with unreasoned rapidity in support of a 'good cause'. Destitution can, of course, produce provocation for defying established laws and rules. But it need not give people the initiative, courage, and actual ability to do anything very violent. Destitution can be accompanied not only by economic debility, but also by political helplessness. A starving wretch can be too frail and too dejected to fight and battle, and even to protest and holler. It is thus not surprising that often enough intense and widespread suffering and misery have been accompanied by unusual peace and silence. Indeed, many famines have occurred without there being much political rebellion or civil strife or intergroup warfare. For example, the famine years in the 1840s in Ireland were among the most peaceful, and there was little attempt by the hungry masses to intervene even as ship after ship sailed down the river Shannon with rich food. Looking elsewhere, my own childhood memories in Calcutta during the Bengal famine of 1943 include the sight of starving people dying in front of sweetshops with various layers of luscious food displayed behind the glass windows, without a single glass being broken, or law or order being disrupted. |
Directions Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions following that. If religion and community are associated with global violence in the minds of many people, then so are global poverty and inequality. There has, in fact, been an increasing tendency in recent years to justify policies of poverty removal on the ground that this is the surest way to prevent political strife and turmoil. Basing public policy-international as well as domestic-on such an understanding has some evident attractions. Given the public anxiety about wars and disorders in the rich countries in the world, the indirect justification of poverty removal - not for its own sake but for the sake of peace and quiet in the world-provides an argument that appeals to self-interest for helping the needy. It presents an argument for allocating more resources on poverty removal because of its presumed political, rather than moral relevance. While the temptation to go in that direction is easy to understand, it is a perilous route to take even for a worthy cause. Part of the difficulty lies in the possibility that if wrong, economic reductionism would not only impair our understanding of the world, but would also tend to undermine the declared rationale of the public commitment to remove poverty. This is a particularly serious concern, since poverty and massive inequality are terrible enough in themselves, and deserve priority even if there were no connection whatsoever with violence. Just as virtue is its own reward, poverty is at least its own penalty. This is not to deny that poverty and inequality can-and do-have far reaching consequences with conflict and strife, but these connections have to be examined and investigated with appropriate care and empirical scrutiny, rather than being casually invoked with unreasoned rapidity in support of a 'good cause'. Destitution can, of course, produce provocation for defying established laws and rules. But it need not give people the initiative, courage, and actual ability to do anything very violent. Destitution can be accompanied not only by economic debility, but also by political helplessness. A starving wretch can be too frail and too dejected to fight and battle, and even to protest and holler. It is thus not surprising that often enough intense and widespread suffering and misery have been accompanied by unusual peace and silence. Indeed, many famines have occurred without there being much political rebellion or civil strife or intergroup warfare. For example, the famine years in the 1840s in Ireland were among the most peaceful, and there was little attempt by the hungry masses to intervene even as ship after ship sailed down the river Shannon with rich food. Looking elsewhere, my own childhood memories in Calcutta during the Bengal famine of 1943 include the sight of starving people dying in front of sweetshops with various layers of luscious food displayed behind the glass windows, without a single glass being broken, or law or order being disrupted. |
Directions Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions following that. If religion and community are associated with global violence in the minds of many people, then so are global poverty and inequality. There has, in fact, been an increasing tendency in recent years to justify policies of poverty removal on the ground that this is the surest way to prevent political strife and turmoil. Basing public policy-international as well as domestic-on such an understanding has some evident attractions. Given the public anxiety about wars and disorders in the rich countries in the world, the indirect justification of poverty removal - not for its own sake but for the sake of peace and quiet in the world-provides an argument that appeals to self-interest for helping the needy. It presents an argument for allocating more resources on poverty removal because of its presumed political, rather than moral relevance. While the temptation to go in that direction is easy to understand, it is a perilous route to take even for a worthy cause. Part of the difficulty lies in the possibility that if wrong, economic reductionism would not only impair our understanding of the world, but would also tend to undermine the declared rationale of the public commitment to remove poverty. This is a particularly serious concern, since poverty and massive inequality are terrible enough in themselves, and deserve priority even if there were no connection whatsoever with violence. Just as virtue is its own reward, poverty is at least its own penalty. This is not to deny that poverty and inequality can-and do-have far reaching consequences with conflict and strife, but these connections have to be examined and investigated with appropriate care and empirical scrutiny, rather than being casually invoked with unreasoned rapidity in support of a 'good cause'. Destitution can, of course, produce provocation for defying established laws and rules. But it need not give people the initiative, courage, and actual ability to do anything very violent. Destitution can be accompanied not only by economic debility, but also by political helplessness. A starving wretch can be too frail and too dejected to fight and battle, and even to protest and holler. It is thus not surprising that often enough intense and widespread suffering and misery have been accompanied by unusual peace and silence. Indeed, many famines have occurred without there being much political rebellion or civil strife or intergroup warfare. For example, the famine years in the 1840s in Ireland were among the most peaceful, and there was little attempt by the hungry masses to intervene even as ship after ship sailed down the river Shannon with rich food. Looking elsewhere, my own childhood memories in Calcutta during the Bengal famine of 1943 include the sight of starving people dying in front of sweetshops with various layers of luscious food displayed behind the glass windows, without a single glass being broken, or law or order being disrupted. |
Directions Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions following that. If religion and community are associated with global violence in the minds of many people, then so are global poverty and inequality. There has, in fact, been an increasing tendency in recent years to justify policies of poverty removal on the ground that this is the surest way to prevent political strife and turmoil. Basing public policy-international as well as domestic-on such an understanding has some evident attractions. Given the public anxiety about wars and disorders in the rich countries in the world, the indirect justification of poverty removal - not for its own sake but for the sake of peace and quiet in the world-provides an argument that appeals to self-interest for helping the needy. It presents an argument for allocating more resources on poverty removal because of its presumed political, rather than moral relevance. While the temptation to go in that direction is easy to understand, it is a perilous route to take even for a worthy cause. Part of the difficulty lies in the possibility that if wrong, economic reductionism would not only impair our understanding of the world, but would also tend to undermine the declared rationale of the public commitment to remove poverty. This is a particularly serious concern, since poverty and massive inequality are terrible enough in themselves, and deserve priority even if there were no connection whatsoever with violence. Just as virtue is its own reward, poverty is at least its own penalty. This is not to deny that poverty and inequality can-and do-have far reaching consequences with conflict and strife, but these connections have to be examined and investigated with appropriate care and empirical scrutiny, rather than being casually invoked with unreasoned rapidity in support of a 'good cause'. Destitution can, of course, produce provocation for defying established laws and rules. But it need not give people the initiative, courage, and actual ability to do anything very violent. Destitution can be accompanied not only by economic debility, but also by political helplessness. A starving wretch can be too frail and too dejected to fight and battle, and even to protest and holler. It is thus not surprising that often enough intense and widespread suffering and misery have been accompanied by unusual peace and silence. Indeed, many famines have occurred without there being much political rebellion or civil strife or intergroup warfare. For example, the famine years in the 1840s in Ireland were among the most peaceful, and there was little attempt by the hungry masses to intervene even as ship after ship sailed down the river Shannon with rich food. Looking elsewhere, my own childhood memories in Calcutta during the Bengal famine of 1943 include the sight of starving people dying in front of sweetshops with various layers of luscious food displayed behind the glass windows, without a single glass being broken, or law or order being disrupted. |
Directions Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions following that. If religion and community are associated with global violence in the minds of many people, then so are global poverty and inequality. There has, in fact, been an increasing tendency in recent years to justify policies of poverty removal on the ground that this is the surest way to prevent political strife and turmoil. Basing public policy-international as well as domestic-on such an understanding has some evident attractions. Given the public anxiety about wars and disorders in the rich countries in the world, the indirect justification of poverty removal - not for its own sake but for the sake of peace and quiet in the world-provides an argument that appeals to self-interest for helping the needy. It presents an argument for allocating more resources on poverty removal because of its presumed political, rather than moral relevance. While the temptation to go in that direction is easy to understand, it is a perilous route to take even for a worthy cause. Part of the difficulty lies in the possibility that if wrong, economic reductionism would not only impair our understanding of the world, but would also tend to undermine the declared rationale of the public commitment to remove poverty. This is a particularly serious concern, since poverty and massive inequality are terrible enough in themselves, and deserve priority even if there were no connection whatsoever with violence. Just as virtue is its own reward, poverty is at least its own penalty. This is not to deny that poverty and inequality can-and do-have far reaching consequences with conflict and strife, but these connections have to be examined and investigated with appropriate care and empirical scrutiny, rather than being casually invoked with unreasoned rapidity in support of a 'good cause'. Destitution can, of course, produce provocation for defying established laws and rules. But it need not give people the initiative, courage, and actual ability to do anything very violent. Destitution can be accompanied not only by economic debility, but also by political helplessness. A starving wretch can be too frail and too dejected to fight and battle, and even to protest and holler. It is thus not surprising that often enough intense and widespread suffering and misery have been accompanied by unusual peace and silence. Indeed, many famines have occurred without there being much political rebellion or civil strife or intergroup warfare. For example, the famine years in the 1840s in Ireland were among the most peaceful, and there was little attempt by the hungry masses to intervene even as ship after ship sailed down the river Shannon with rich food. Looking elsewhere, my own childhood memories in Calcutta during the Bengal famine of 1943 include the sight of starving people dying in front of sweetshops with various layers of luscious food displayed behind the glass windows, without a single glass being broken, or law or order being disrupted. |
Directions Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions following that. If religion and community are associated with global violence in the minds of many people, then so are global poverty and inequality. There has, in fact, been an increasing tendency in recent years to justify policies of poverty removal on the ground that this is the surest way to prevent political strife and turmoil. Basing public policy-international as well as domestic-on such an understanding has some evident attractions. Given the public anxiety about wars and disorders in the rich countries in the world, the indirect justification of poverty removal - not for its own sake but for the sake of peace and quiet in the world-provides an argument that appeals to self-interest for helping the needy. It presents an argument for allocating more resources on poverty removal because of its presumed political, rather than moral relevance. While the temptation to go in that direction is easy to understand, it is a perilous route to take even for a worthy cause. Part of the difficulty lies in the possibility that if wrong, economic reductionism would not only impair our understanding of the world, but would also tend to undermine the declared rationale of the public commitment to remove poverty. This is a particularly serious concern, since poverty and massive inequality are terrible enough in themselves, and deserve priority even if there were no connection whatsoever with violence. Just as virtue is its own reward, poverty is at least its own penalty. This is not to deny that poverty and inequality can-and do-have far reaching consequences with conflict and strife, but these connections have to be examined and investigated with appropriate care and empirical scrutiny, rather than being casually invoked with unreasoned rapidity in support of a 'good cause'. Destitution can, of course, produce provocation for defying established laws and rules. But it need not give people the initiative, courage, and actual ability to do anything very violent. Destitution can be accompanied not only by economic debility, but also by political helplessness. A starving wretch can be too frail and too dejected to fight and battle, and even to protest and holler. It is thus not surprising that often enough intense and widespread suffering and misery have been accompanied by unusual peace and silence. Indeed, many famines have occurred without there being much political rebellion or civil strife or intergroup warfare. For example, the famine years in the 1840s in Ireland were among the most peaceful, and there was little attempt by the hungry masses to intervene even as ship after ship sailed down the river Shannon with rich food. Looking elsewhere, my own childhood memories in Calcutta during the Bengal famine of 1943 include the sight of starving people dying in front of sweetshops with various layers of luscious food displayed behind the glass windows, without a single glass being broken, or law or order being disrupted. |
Directions Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions following that. If religion and community are associated with global violence in the minds of many people, then so are global poverty and inequality. There has, in fact, been an increasing tendency in recent years to justify policies of poverty removal on the ground that this is the surest way to prevent political strife and turmoil. Basing public policy-international as well as domestic-on such an understanding has some evident attractions. Given the public anxiety about wars and disorders in the rich countries in the world, the indirect justification of poverty removal - not for its own sake but for the sake of peace and quiet in the world-provides an argument that appeals to self-interest for helping the needy. It presents an argument for allocating more resources on poverty removal because of its presumed political, rather than moral relevance. While the temptation to go in that direction is easy to understand, it is a perilous route to take even for a worthy cause. Part of the difficulty lies in the possibility that if wrong, economic reductionism would not only impair our understanding of the world, but would also tend to undermine the declared rationale of the public commitment to remove poverty. This is a particularly serious concern, since poverty and massive inequality are terrible enough in themselves, and deserve priority even if there were no connection whatsoever with violence. Just as virtue is its own reward, poverty is at least its own penalty. This is not to deny that poverty and inequality can-and do-have far reaching consequences with conflict and strife, but these connections have to be examined and investigated with appropriate care and empirical scrutiny, rather than being casually invoked with unreasoned rapidity in support of a 'good cause'. Destitution can, of course, produce provocation for defying established laws and rules. But it need not give people the initiative, courage, and actual ability to do anything very violent. Destitution can be accompanied not only by economic debility, but also by political helplessness. A starving wretch can be too frail and too dejected to fight and battle, and even to protest and holler. It is thus not surprising that often enough intense and widespread suffering and misery have been accompanied by unusual peace and silence. Indeed, many famines have occurred without there being much political rebellion or civil strife or intergroup warfare. For example, the famine years in the 1840s in Ireland were among the most peaceful, and there was little attempt by the hungry masses to intervene even as ship after ship sailed down the river Shannon with rich food. Looking elsewhere, my own childhood memories in Calcutta during the Bengal famine of 1943 include the sight of starving people dying in front of sweetshops with various layers of luscious food displayed behind the glass windows, without a single glass being broken, or law or order being disrupted. |
Directions Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions following that. If religion and community are associated with global violence in the minds of many people, then so are global poverty and inequality. There has, in fact, been an increasing tendency in recent years to justify policies of poverty removal on the ground that this is the surest way to prevent political strife and turmoil. Basing public policy-international as well as domestic-on such an understanding has some evident attractions. Given the public anxiety about wars and disorders in the rich countries in the world, the indirect justification of poverty removal - not for its own sake but for the sake of peace and quiet in the world-provides an argument that appeals to self-interest for helping the needy. It presents an argument for allocating more resources on poverty removal because of its presumed political, rather than moral relevance. While the temptation to go in that direction is easy to understand, it is a perilous route to take even for a worthy cause. Part of the difficulty lies in the possibility that if wrong, economic reductionism would not only impair our understanding of the world, but would also tend to undermine the declared rationale of the public commitment to remove poverty. This is a particularly serious concern, since poverty and massive inequality are terrible enough in themselves, and deserve priority even if there were no connection whatsoever with violence. Just as virtue is its own reward, poverty is at least its own penalty. This is not to deny that poverty and inequality can-and do-have far reaching consequences with conflict and strife, but these connections have to be examined and investigated with appropriate care and empirical scrutiny, rather than being casually invoked with unreasoned rapidity in support of a 'good cause'. Destitution can, of course, produce provocation for defying established laws and rules. But it need not give people the initiative, courage, and actual ability to do anything very violent. Destitution can be accompanied not only by economic debility, but also by political helplessness. A starving wretch can be too frail and too dejected to fight and battle, and even to protest and holler. It is thus not surprising that often enough intense and widespread suffering and misery have been accompanied by unusual peace and silence. Indeed, many famines have occurred without there being much political rebellion or civil strife or intergroup warfare. For example, the famine years in the 1840s in Ireland were among the most peaceful, and there was little attempt by the hungry masses to intervene even as ship after ship sailed down the river Shannon with rich food. Looking elsewhere, my own childhood memories in Calcutta during the Bengal famine of 1943 include the sight of starving people dying in front of sweetshops with various layers of luscious food displayed behind the glass windows, without a single glass being broken, or law or order being disrupted. |
Directions Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions following that. If religion and community are associated with global violence in the minds of many people, then so are global poverty and inequality. There has, in fact, been an increasing tendency in recent years to justify policies of poverty removal on the ground that this is the surest way to prevent political strife and turmoil. Basing public policy-international as well as domestic-on such an understanding has some evident attractions. Given the public anxiety about wars and disorders in the rich countries in the world, the indirect justification of poverty removal - not for its own sake but for the sake of peace and quiet in the world-provides an argument that appeals to self-interest for helping the needy. It presents an argument for allocating more resources on poverty removal because of its presumed political, rather than moral relevance. While the temptation to go in that direction is easy to understand, it is a perilous route to take even for a worthy cause. Part of the difficulty lies in the possibility that if wrong, economic reductionism would not only impair our understanding of the world, but would also tend to undermine the declared rationale of the public commitment to remove poverty. This is a particularly serious concern, since poverty and massive inequality are terrible enough in themselves, and deserve priority even if there were no connection whatsoever with violence. Just as virtue is its own reward, poverty is at least its own penalty. This is not to deny that poverty and inequality can-and do-have far reaching consequences with conflict and strife, but these connections have to be examined and investigated with appropriate care and empirical scrutiny, rather than being casually invoked with unreasoned rapidity in support of a 'good cause'. Destitution can, of course, produce provocation for defying established laws and rules. But it need not give people the initiative, courage, and actual ability to do anything very violent. Destitution can be accompanied not only by economic debility, but also by political helplessness. A starving wretch can be too frail and too dejected to fight and battle, and even to protest and holler. It is thus not surprising that often enough intense and widespread suffering and misery have been accompanied by unusual peace and silence. Indeed, many famines have occurred without there being much political rebellion or civil strife or intergroup warfare. For example, the famine years in the 1840s in Ireland were among the most peaceful, and there was little attempt by the hungry masses to intervene even as ship after ship sailed down the river Shannon with rich food. Looking elsewhere, my own childhood memories in Calcutta during the Bengal famine of 1943 include the sight of starving people dying in front of sweetshops with various layers of luscious food displayed behind the glass windows, without a single glass being broken, or law or order being disrupted. |
Directions - Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions following that. In 1954, a Bombay economist named AD Shroff began a Forum of Free Enterprise, whose ideas on economic development were somewhat at odds with those then influentially articulated by the Planning Commission of the Government of India. Shroff complained against the "indifference, if not discouragement' with which the state treated entrepreneurs. At the same time as Shroff, but independently of him, a journalist named Philip Spratt was writing a series of essays in favour of free enterprise. Spratt was a Cambridge communist who was sent by the party in 1920s to foment revolution in the subcontinent. Detected in the act, he spent many years in an Indian jail. The books he read in the prison, and his marriage to an Indian woman afterwards, inspired a steady move rightwards. By the 1950s, he was editing a pro-American weekly from Banglore called Mys lndia. There he inveighed against the economic policies of the Government of India. These, he said, treated the entrepreneur 'as a criminal who has dared to use his brains independently of the state to create wealth and give employment'. The state's chief planner, PC Mahalanobis, had surrounded himself with Western leftists and Soviet academicians, who reinforced his belief in 'rigid control by the government over all activities.' The result, said Spratt, would be 'the smothering of free enterprise, a famine of consumer goods, and the tying down of millions of workers to soul deadening techniques. The voices of men like Spratt and Shroff were drowned in the chorus of popular support for a model of heavy industrialization funded and directed by the governments. The 1950s were certainly not propitious times for free marketers in India. But from time to time their ideas were revived. After the rupee was devalued in 1966, there were some moves towards freeing the trade regime, and hopes that the licensing system-would also be liberalized. However, after Indira Gandhi split the Congress Party in 1969, her government took its 'left turn', nationalizing a fresh range of industries and returning to economic autarky |
Directions Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions following that. In 1954, a Bombay economist named AD Shroff began a Forum of Free Enterprise, whose ideas on economic development were somewhat at odds with those then influentially articulated by the Planning Commission of the Government of India. Shroff complained against the "indifference, if not discouragement' with which the state treated entrepreneurs. At the same time as Shroff, but independently of him, a journalist named Philip Spratt was writing a series of essays in favour of free enterprise. Spratt was a Cambridge communist who was sent by the party in 1920s to foment revolution in the subcontinent. Detected in the act, he spent many years in an Indian jail. The books he read in the prison, and his marriage to an Indian woman afterwards, inspired a steady move rightwards. By the 1950s, he was editing a pro-American weekly from Banglore called Mys India. There he inveighed against the economic policies of the Government of India. These, he said, treated the entrepreneur 'as a criminal who has dared to use his brains independently of the state to create wealth and give employment'. The state's chief planner, PC Mahalanobis, had surrounded himself with Western leftists and Soviet academicians, who reinforced his belief in 'rigid control by the government over all activities.' The result, said Spratt, would be 'the smothering of free enterprise, a famine of consumer goods, and the tying down of millions of workers to soul deadening techniques. The voices of men like Spratt and Shroff were drowned in the chorus of popular support for a model of heavy industrialization funded and directed by the governments. The 1950s were certainly not propitious times for free marketers in India. But from time to time their ideas were revived. After the rupee was devalued in 1966, there were some moves towards freeing the trade regime, and hopes that the licensing system-would also be liberalized. However, after Indira Gandhi split the Congress Party in 1969, her government took its 'left turn', nationalizing a fresh range of industries and returning to economic autarky |
Directions Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions following that. In 1954, a Bombay economist named AD Shroff began a Forum of Free Enterprise, whose ideas on economic development were somewhat at odds with those then influentially articulated by the Planning Commission of the Government of India. Shroff complained against the "indifference, if not discouragement' with which the state treated entrepreneurs. At the same time as Shroff, but independently of him, a journalist named Philip Spratt was writing a series of essays in favour of free enterprise. Spratt was a Cambridge communist who was sent by the party in 1920s to foment revolution in the subcontinent. Detected in the act, he spent many years in an Indian jail. The books he read in the prison, and his marriage to an Indian woman afterwards, inspired a steady move rightwards. By the 1950s, he was editing a pro-American weekly from Banglore called Mys lndia. There he inveighed against the economic policies of the Government of India. These, he said, treated the entrepreneur 'as a criminal who has dared to use his brains independently of the state to create wealth and give employment'. The state's chief planner, PC Mahalanobis, had surrounded himself with Western leftists and Soviet academicians, who reinforced his belief in 'rigid control by the government over all activities.' The result, said Spratt, would be 'the smothering of free enterprise, a famine of consumer goods, and the tying down of millions of workers to soul deadening techniques. The voices of men like Spratt and Shroff were drowned in the chorus of popular support for a model of heavy industrialization funded and directed by the governments. The 1950s were certainly not propitious times for free marketers in India. But from time to time their ideas were revived. After the rupee was devalued in 1966, there were some moves towards freeing the trade regime, and hopes that the licensing system-would also be liberalized. However, after Indira Gandhi split the Congress Party in 1969, her government took its 'left turn', nationalizing a fresh range of industries and returning to economic autarky |
Directions Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions following that. In 1954, a Bombay economist named AD Shroff began a Forum of Free Enterprise, whose ideas on economic development were somewhat at odds with those then influentially articulated by the Planning Commission of the Government of India. Shroff complained against the "indifference, if not discouragement' with which the state treated entrepreneurs. At the same time as Shroff, but independently of him, a journalist named Philip Spratt was writing a series of essays in favour of free enterprise. Spratt was a Cambridge communist who was sent by the party in 1920s to foment revolution in the subcontinent. Detected in the act, he spent many years in an Indian jail. The books he read in the prison, and his marriage to an Indian woman afterwards, inspired a steady move rightwards. By the 1950s, he was editing a pro-American weekly from Banglore called Mys lndia. There he inveighed against the economic policies of the Government of India. These, he said, treated the entrepreneur 'as a criminal who has dared to use his brains independently of the state to create wealth and give employment'. The state's chief planner, PC Mahalanobis, had surrounded himself with Western leftists and Soviet academicians, who reinforced his belief in 'rigid control by the government over all activities.' The result, said Spratt, would be 'the smothering of free enterprise, a famine of consumer goods, and the tying down of millions of workers to soul deadening techniques. The voices of men like Spratt and Shroff were drowned in the chorus of popular support for a model of heavy industrialization funded and directed by the governments. The 1950s were certainly not propitious times for free marketers in India. But from time to time their ideas were revived. After the rupee was devalued in 1966, there were some moves towards freeing the trade regime, and hopes that the licensing system-would also be liberalized. However, after Indira Gandhi split the Congress Party in 1969, her government took its 'left turn', nationalizing a fresh range of industries and returning to economic autarky |
Directions Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions following that. In 1954, a Bombay economist named AD Shroff began a Forum of Free Enterprise, whose ideas on economic development were somewhat at odds with those then influentially articulated by the Planning Commission of the Government of India. Shroff complained against the "indifference, if not discouragement' with which the state treated entrepreneurs. At the same time as Shroff, but independently of him, a journalist named Philip Spratt was writing a series of essays in favour of free enterprise. Spratt was a Cambridge communist who was sent by the party in 1920s to foment revolution in the subcontinent. Detected in the act, he spent many years in an Indian jail. The books he read in the prison, and his marriage to an Indian woman afterwards, inspired a steady move rightwards. By the 1950s, he was editing a pro-American weekly from Banglore called Mys lndia. There he inveighed against the economic policies of the Government of India. These, he said, treated the entrepreneur 'as a criminal who has dared to use his brains independently of the state to create wealth and give employment'. The state's chief planner, PC Mahalanobis, had surrounded himself with Western leftists and Soviet academicians, who reinforced his belief in 'rigid control by the government over all activities.' The result, said Spratt, would be 'the smothering of free enterprise, a famine of consumer goods, and the tying down of millions of workers to soul deadening techniques. The voices of men like Spratt and Shroff were drowned in the chorus of popular support for a model of heavy industrialization funded and directed by the governments. The 1950s were certainly not propitious times for free marketers in India. But from time to time their ideas were revived. After the rupee was devalued in 1966, there were some moves towards freeing the trade regime, and hopes that the licensing system-would also be liberalized. However, after Indira Gandhi split the Congress Party in 1969, her government took its 'left turn', nationalizing a fresh range of industries and returning to economic autarky |
Directions Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions following that. In 1954, a Bombay economist named AD Shroff began a Forum of Free Enterprise, whose ideas on economic development were somewhat at odds with those then influentially articulated by the Planning Commission of the Government of India. Shroff complained against the "indifference, if not discouragement' with which the state treated entrepreneurs. At the same time as Shroff, but independently of him, a journalist named Philip Spratt was writing a series of essays in favour of free enterprise. Spratt was a Cambridge communist who was sent by the party in 1920s to foment revolution in the subcontinent. Detected in the act, he spent many years in an Indian jail. The books he read in the prison, and his marriage to an Indian woman afterwards, inspired a steady move rightwards. By the 1950s, he was editing a pro-American weekly from Banglore called Mys lndia. There he inveighed against the economic policies of the Government of India. These, he said, treated the entrepreneur 'as a criminal who has dared to use his brains independently of the state to create wealth and give employment'. The state's chief planner, PC Mahalanobis, had surrounded himself with Western leftists and Soviet academicians, who reinforced his belief in 'rigid control by the government over all activities.' The result, said Spratt, would be 'the smothering of free enterprise, a famine of consumer goods, and the tying down of millions of workers to soul deadening techniques. The voices of men like Spratt and Shroff were drowned in the chorus of popular support for a model of heavy industrialization funded and directed by the governments. The 1950s were certainly not propitious times for free marketers in India. But from time to time their ideas were revived. After the rupee was devalued in 1966, there were some moves towards freeing the trade regime, and hopes that the licensing system-would also be liberalized. However, after Indira Gandhi split the Congress Party in 1969, her government took its 'left turn', nationalizing a fresh range of industries and returning to economic autarky |
Directions Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions following that. In 1954, a Bombay economist named AD Shroff began a Forum of Free Enterprise, whose ideas on economic development were somewhat at odds with those then influentially articulated by the Planning Commission of the Government of India. Shroff complained against the "indifference, if not discouragement' with which the state treated entrepreneurs. At the same time as Shroff, but independently of him, a journalist named Philip Spratt was writing a series of essays in favour of free enterprise. Spratt was a Cambridge communist who was sent by the party in 1920s to foment revolution in the subcontinent. Detected in the act, he spent many years in an Indian jail. The books he read in the prison, and his marriage to an Indian woman afterwards, inspired a steady move rightwards. By the 1950s, he was editing a pro-American weekly from Banglore called Mys lndia. There he inveighed against the economic policies of the Government of India. These, he said, treated the entrepreneur 'as a criminal who has dared to use his brains independently of the state to create wealth and give employment'. The state's chief planner, PC Mahalanobis, had surrounded himself with Western leftists and Soviet academicians, who reinforced his belief in 'rigid control by the government over all activities.' The result, said Spratt, would be 'the smothering of free enterprise, a famine of consumer goods, and the tying down of millions of workers to soul deadening techniques. The voices of men like Spratt and Shroff were drowned in the chorus of popular support for a model of heavy industrialization funded and directed by the governments. The 1950s were certainly not propitious times for free marketers in India. But from time to time their ideas were revived. After the rupee was devalued in 1966, there were some moves towards freeing the trade regime, and hopes that the licensing system-would also be liberalized. However, after Indira Gandhi split the Congress Party in 1969, her government took its 'left turn', nationalizing a fresh range of industries and returning to economic autarky |
Directions Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions following that. In 1954, a Bombay economist named AD Shroff began a Forum of Free Enterprise, whose ideas on economic development were somewhat at odds with those then influentially articulated by the Planning Commission of the Government of India. Shroff complained against the "indifference, if not discouragement' with which the state treated entrepreneurs. At the same time as Shroff, but independently of him, a journalist named Philip Spratt was writing a series of essays in favour of free enterprise. Spratt was a Cambridge communist who was sent by the party in 1920s to foment revolution in the subcontinent. Detected in the act, he spent many years in an Indian jail. The books he read in the prison, and his marriage to an Indian woman afterwards, inspired a steady move rightwards. By the 1950s, he was editing a pro-American weekly from Banglore called Mys lndia. There he inveighed against the economic policies of the Government of India. These, he said, treated the entrepreneur 'as a criminal who has dared to use his brains independently of the state to create wealth and give employment'. The state's chief planner, PC Mahalanobis, had surrounded himself with Western leftists and Soviet academicians, who reinforced his belief in 'rigid control by the government over all activities.' The result, said Spratt, would be 'the smothering of free enterprise, a famine of consumer goods, and the tying down of millions of workers to soul deadening techniques. The voices of men like Spratt and Shroff were drowned in the chorus of popular support for a model of heavy industrialization funded and directed by the governments. The 1950s were certainly not propitious times for free marketers in India. But from time to time their ideas were revived. After the rupee was devalued in 1966, there were some moves towards freeing the trade regime, and hopes that the licensing system-would also be liberalized. However, after Indira Gandhi split the Congress Party in 1969, her government took its 'left turn', nationalizing a fresh range of industries and returning to economic autarky |
Directions Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions following that. In 1954, a Bombay economist named AD Shroff began a Forum of Free Enterprise, whose ideas on economic development were somewhat at odds with those then influentially articulated by the Planning Commission of the Government of India. Shroff complained against the "indifference, if not discouragement' with which the state treated entrepreneurs. At the same time as Shroff, but independently of him, a journalist named Philip Spratt was writing a series of essays in favour of free enterprise. Spratt was a Cambridge communist who was sent by the party in 1920s to foment revolution in the subcontinent. Detected in the act, he spent many years in an Indian jail. The books he read in the prison, and his marriage to an Indian woman afterwards, inspired a steady move rightwards. By the 1950s, he was editing a pro-American weekly from Banglore called Mys lndia. There he inveighed against the economic policies of the Government of India. These, he said, treated the entrepreneur 'as a criminal who has dared to use his brains independently of the state to create wealth and give employment'. The state's chief planner, PC Mahalanobis, had surrounded himself with Western leftists and Soviet academicians, who reinforced his belief in 'rigid control by the government over all activities.' The result, said Spratt, would be 'the smothering of free enterprise, a famine of consumer goods, and the tying down of millions of workers to soul deadening techniques. The voices of men like Spratt and Shroff were drowned in the chorus of popular support for a model of heavy industrialization funded and directed by the governments. The 1950s were certainly not propitious times for free marketers in India. But from time to time their ideas were revived. After the rupee was devalued in 1966, there were some moves towards freeing the trade regime, and hopes that the licensing system-would also be liberalized. However, after Indira Gandhi split the Congress Party in 1969, her government took its 'left turn', nationalizing a fresh range of industries and returning to economic autarky |
'Neither Philip Spratt nor AD Shroff__ able to convince Mahalanobis.' Select the most appropriate phrase out of the four options for filling the blank space in the aforesaid sentence. |
Directions Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions following that. In 1954, a Bombay economist named AD Shroff began a Forum of Free Enterprise, whose ideas on economic development were somewhat at odds with those then influentially articulated by the Planning Commission of the Government of India. Shroff complained against the "indifference, if not discouragement' with which the state treated entrepreneurs. At the same time as Shroff, but independently of him, a journalist named Philip Spratt was writing a series of essays in favour of free enterprise. Spratt was a Cambridge communist who was sent by the party in 1920s to foment revolution in the subcontinent. Detected in the act, he spent many years in an Indian jail. The books he read in the prison, and his marriage to an Indian woman afterwards, inspired a steady move rightwards. By the 1950s, he was editing a pro-American weekly from Banglore called Mys lndia. There he inveighed against the economic policies of the Government of India. These, he said, treated the entrepreneur 'as a criminal who has dared to use his brains independently of the state to create wealth and give employment'. The state's chief planner, PC Mahalanobis, had surrounded himself with Western leftists and Soviet academicians, who reinforced his belief in 'rigid control by the government over all activities.' The result, said Spratt, would be 'the smothering of free enterprise, a famine of consumer goods, and the tying down of millions of workers to soul deadening techniques. The voices of men like Spratt and Shroff were drowned in the chorus of popular support for a model of heavy industrialization funded and directed by the governments. The 1950s were certainly not propitious times for free marketers in India. But from time to time their ideas were revived. After the rupee was devalued in 1966, there were some moves towards freeing the trade regime, and hopes that the licensing system-would also be liberalized. However, after Indira Gandhi split the Congress Party in 1969, her government took its 'left turn', nationalizing a fresh range of industries and returning to economic autarky |
Directions Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions following that. In Manu Joseph's debut novel Serious Men, the protagonist, Ayyan Mani, is a sly, scheming. Dalit-Buddhist who almost gets away with passing off his partially deaf son, Adi, as a prodigy, a genius who can recite the first 1000 prime numbers. The garb of satire-where almost every character cuts a sorry figure-gives the author the license to offer one of the most bleak and pessimistic portrayals of urban Dalits. Despite his savage portrayal of Dalit (and female) characters-or perhaps because of it?-Serious Men has won critical appreciation from a cross section of readers and critics. At a time when a formidable body of Dalit literature-writing by Dalits about Dalit lives-has created a distinct space or itself, how and why is it that a novel such as Serious Men, with its gleefully skewed portrayal of an angry Dalit man, manages to win such accolades? In American literature-and particularly in the case of African-American authors and characters-these issues of representation have been debated for decades. But in India, the sustained refusal to address issues related to caste in everyday life-and the continued and unquestioned predominance of a Brahminical stranglehold over cultural production-have led us to a place where non-Dalit portrayal of Dalits in literature, cinema and art remains the norm. The journey of modern Dalit literature has been a difficult one. But even though it has not necessarily enjoyed the support of numbers, we must engage with what Dalits are writing-not simply for reasons of authenticity, or as a concession to identity politics, but simply because of the aesthetic value of this body of writing, and for the insights it offers into the human condition. In a society that is still largely unwilling to recognize Dalits as equal, rights bearing human beings, in a society that is inherently indifferent to the everyday violence against Dalits, in a society unwilling to share social and cultural resources equitably with Dalits unless mandated by law (as seen in the anti-reservation discourse), Dalit literature has the potential to humanise non-Dalits and sensitise them to a world into which they have no insight. But before we can understand what Dalit literature is seeking to accomplish, we need first to come to terms with the stranglehold of non-Dalit representations of Dalits. Rohinton Mistry's A Fine Balance, published 15 years ago, chronicles the travails of two Dalit characters-uncle Ishvar and nephew Om Prakash-who migrate to Bombay and yet cannot escape brutality. While the present of the novel is set at the time of the Emergency, Ishvar's father Dukhi belongs to the era of the anti-colonial nationalist movement. During one of Dukhi's visits to the town, he chances upon a meeting of the Indian National Congress, where speakers spread the "Mahatma's message regarding the freedom struggle, the struggle for justice", and wiping out "the disease of untouchability, ravaging us for centuries, denying dignity to our fellow human beings." Neither in the 1940s, where the novel's past is set, nor in the Emergency period of the 1970s- when the minds and bodies Ishvar and Om Prakash, are savaged by the state-do we find any mention of a figure like BR Ambedkar or of Dalit movements. In his -nationalist' understanding of modern Indian history Mistry seems to have not Veered too far from the road charted by predecessors like Mulk Raj Anand and Prem Chand. Sixty years after Prem Chand, Mistry-s Uterary imagination seems stuck in the empathy-realism mode, trapping Dalits in abjection. Mistry happily continues the broad stereotype of the Dalit as a passive sufferer, without consciousness of caste politics. |
Directions Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions following that. In Manu Joseph's debut novel Serious Men, the protagonist, Ayyan Mani, is a sly, scheming. Dalit-Buddhist who almost gets away with passing off his partially deaf son, Adi, as a prodigy, a genius who can recite the first 1000 prime numbers. The garb of satire-where almost every character cuts a sorry figure-gives the author the license to offer one of the most bleak and pessimistic portrayals of urban Dalits. Despite his savage portrayal of Dalit (and female) characters-or perhaps because of it?-Serious Men has won critical appreciation from a cross section of readers and critics. At a time when a formidable body of Dalit literature-writing by Dalits about Dalit lives-has created a distinct space or itself, how and why is it that a novel such as Serious Men, with its gleefully skewed portrayal of an angry Dalit man, manages to win such accolades? In American literature-and particularly in the case of African-American authors and characters-these issues of representation have been debated for decades. But in India, the sustained refusal to address issues related to caste in everyday life-and the continued and unquestioned predominance of a Brahminical stranglehold over cultural production-have led us to a place where non-Dalit portrayal of Dalits in literature, cinema and art remains the norm. The journey of modern Dalit literature has been a difficult one. But even though it has not necessarily enjoyed the support of numbers, we must engage with what Dalits are writing-not simply for reasons of authenticity, or as a concession to identity politics, but simply because of the aesthetic value of this body of writing, and for the insights it offers into the human condition. In a society that is still largely unwilling to recognize Dalits as equal, rights bearing human beings, in a society that is inherently indifferent to the everyday violence against Dalits, in a society unwilling to share social and cultural resources equitably with Dalits unless mandated by law (as seen in the anti-reservation discourse), Dalit literature has the potential to humanise non-Dalits and sensitise them to a world into which they have no insight. But before we can understand what Dalit literature is seeking to accomplish, we need first to come to terms with the stranglehold of non-Dalit representations of Dalits. Rohinton Mistry's A Fine Balance, published 15 years ago, chronicles the travails of two Dalit characters-uncle Ishvar and nephew Om Prakash-who migrate to Bombay and yet cannot escape brutality. While the present of the novel is set at the time of the Emergency, Ishvar's father Dukhi belongs to the era of the anti-colonial nationalist movement. During one of Dukhi's visits to the town, he chances upon a meeting of the Indian National Congress, where speakers spread the "Mahatma's message regarding the freedom struggle, the struggle for justice", and wiping out "the disease of untouchability, ravaging us for centuries, denying dignity to our fellow human beings." Neither in the 1940s, where the novel's past is set, nor in the Emergency period of the 1970s- when the minds and bodies Ishvar and Om Prakash, are savaged by the state-do we find any mention of a figure like BR Ambedkar or of Dalit movements. In his -nationalist' understanding of modern Indian history Mistry seems to have not Veered too far from the road charted by predecessors like Mulk Raj Anand and Prem Chand. Sixty years after Prem Chand, Mistry-s Uterary imagination seems stuck in the empathy-realism mode, trapping Dalits in abjection. Mistry happily continues the broad stereotype of the Dalit as a passive sufferer, without consciousness of caste politics. |
Directions Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions following that. In Manu Joseph's debut novel Serious Men, the protagonist, Ayyan Mani, is a sly, scheming. Dalit-Buddhist who almost gets away with passing off his partially deaf son, Adi, as a prodigy, a genius who can recite the first 1000 prime numbers. The garb of satire-where almost every character cuts a sorry figure-gives the author the license to offer one of the most bleak and pessimistic portrayals of urban Dalits. Despite his savage portrayal of Dalit (and female) characters-or perhaps because of it?-Serious Men has won critical appreciation from a cross section of readers and critics. At a time when a formidable body of Dalit literature-writing by Dalits about Dalit lives-has created a distinct space or itself, how and why is it that a novel such as Serious Men, with its gleefully skewed portrayal of an angry Dalit man, manages to win such accolades? In American literature-and particularly in the case of African-American authors and characters-these issues of representation have been debated for decades. But in India, the sustained refusal to address issues related to caste in everyday life-and the continued and unquestioned predominance of a Brahminical stranglehold over cultural production-have led us to a place where non-Dalit portrayal of Dalits in literature, cinema and art remains the norm. The journey of modern Dalit literature has been a difficult one. But even though it has not necessarily enjoyed the support of numbers, we must engage with what Dalits are writing-not simply for reasons of authenticity, or as a concession to identity politics, but simply because of the aesthetic value of this body of writing, and for the insights it offers into the human condition. In a society that is still largely unwilling to recognize Dalits as equal, rights bearing human beings, in a society that is inherently indifferent to the everyday violence against Dalits, in a society unwilling to share social and cultural resources equitably with Dalits unless mandated by law (as seen in the anti-reservation discourse), Dalit literature has the potential to humanise non-Dalits and sensitise them to a world into which they have no insight. But before we can understand what Dalit literature is seeking to accomplish, we need first to come to terms with the stranglehold of non-Dalit representations of Dalits. Rohinton Mistry's A Fine Balance, published 15 years ago, chronicles the travails of two Dalit characters-uncle Ishvar and nephew Om Prakash-who migrate to Bombay and yet cannot escape brutality. While the present of the novel is set at the time of the Emergency, Ishvar's father Dukhi belongs to the era of the anti-colonial nationalist movement. During one of Dukhi's visits to the town, he chances upon a meeting of the Indian National Congress, where speakers spread the "Mahatma's message regarding the freedom struggle, the struggle for justice", and wiping out "the disease of untouchability, ravaging us for centuries, denying dignity to our fellow human beings." Neither in the 1940s, where the novel's past is set, nor in the Emergency period of the 1970s- when the minds and bodies Ishvar and Om Prakash, are savaged by the state-do we find any mention of a figure like BR Ambedkar or of Dalit movements. In his -nationalist' understanding of modern Indian history Mistry seems to have not Veered too far from the road charted by predecessors like Mulk Raj Anand and Prem Chand. Sixty years after Prem Chand, Mistry-s Uterary imagination seems stuck in the empathy-realism mode, trapping Dalits in abjection. Mistry happily continues the broad stereotype of the Dalit as a passive sufferer, without consciousness of caste politics. |
Directions Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions following that. In Manu Joseph's debut novel Serious Men, the protagonist, Ayyan Mani, is a sly, scheming. Dalit-Buddhist who almost gets away with passing off his partially deaf son, Adi, as a prodigy, a genius who can recite the first 1000 prime numbers. The garb of satire-where almost every character cuts a sorry figure-gives the author the license to offer one of the most bleak and pessimistic portrayals of urban Dalits. Despite his savage portrayal of Dalit (and female) characters-or perhaps because of it?-Serious Men has won critical appreciation from a cross section of readers and critics. At a time when a formidable body of Dalit literature-writing by Dalits about Dalit lives-has created a distinct space or itself, how and why is it that a novel such as Serious Men, with its gleefully skewed portrayal of an angry Dalit man, manages to win such accolades? In American literature-and particularly in the case of African-American authors and characters-these issues of representation have been debated for decades. But in India, the sustained refusal to address issues related to caste in everyday life-and the continued and unquestioned predominance of a Brahminical stranglehold over cultural production-have led us to a place where non-Dalit portrayal of Dalits in literature, cinema and art remains the norm. The journey of modern Dalit literature has been a difficult one. But even though it has not necessarily enjoyed the support of numbers, we must engage with what Dalits are writing-not simply for reasons of authenticity, or as a concession to identity politics, but simply because of the aesthetic value of this body of writing, and for the insights it offers into the human condition. In a society that is still largely unwilling to recognize Dalits as equal, rights bearing human beings, in a society that is inherently indifferent to the everyday violence against Dalits, in a society unwilling to share social and cultural resources equitably with Dalits unless mandated by law (as seen in the anti-reservation discourse), Dalit literature has the potential to humanise non-Dalits and sensitise them to a world into which they have no insight. But before we can understand what Dalit literature is seeking to accomplish, we need first to come to terms with the stranglehold of non-Dalit representations of Dalits. Rohinton Mistry's A Fine Balance, published 15 years ago, chronicles the travails of two Dalit characters-uncle Ishvar and nephew Om Prakash-who migrate to Bombay and yet cannot escape brutality. While the present of the novel is set at the time of the Emergency, Ishvar's father Dukhi belongs to the era of the anti-colonial nationalist movement. During one of Dukhi's visits to the town, he chances upon a meeting of the Indian National Congress, where speakers spread the "Mahatma's message regarding the freedom struggle, the struggle for justice", and wiping out "the disease of untouchability, ravaging us for centuries, denying dignity to our fellow human beings." Neither in the 1940s, where the novel's past is set, nor in the Emergency period of the 1970s- when the minds and bodies Ishvar and Om Prakash, are savaged by the state-do we find any mention of a figure like BR Ambedkar or of Dalit movements. In his -nationalist' understanding of modern Indian history Mistry seems to have not Veered too far from the road charted by predecessors like Mulk Raj Anand and Prem Chand. Sixty years after Prem Chand, Mistry-s Uterary imagination seems stuck in the empathy-realism mode, trapping Dalits in abjection. Mistry happily continues the broad stereotype of the Dalit as a passive sufferer, without consciousness of caste politics. |
Directions Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions following that. In Manu Joseph's debut novel Serious Men, the protagonist, Ayyan Mani, is a sly, scheming. Dalit-Buddhist who almost gets away with passing off his partially deaf son, Adi, as a prodigy, a genius who can recite the first 1000 prime numbers. The garb of satire-where almost every character cuts a sorry figure-gives the author the license to offer one of the most bleak and pessimistic portrayals of urban Dalits. Despite his savage portrayal of Dalit (and female) characters-or perhaps because of it?-Serious Men has won critical appreciation from a cross section of readers and critics. At a time when a formidable body of Dalit literature-writing by Dalits about Dalit lives-has created a distinct space or itself, how and why is it that a novel such as Serious Men, with its gleefully skewed portrayal of an angry Dalit man, manages to win such accolades? In American literature-and particularly in the case of African-American authors and characters-these issues of representation have been debated for decades. But in India, the sustained refusal to address issues related to caste in everyday life-and the continued and unquestioned predominance of a Brahminical stranglehold over cultural production-have led us to a place where non-Dalit portrayal of Dalits in literature, cinema and art remains the norm. The journey of modern Dalit literature has been a difficult one. But even though it has not necessarily enjoyed the support of numbers, we must engage with what Dalits are writing-not simply for reasons of authenticity, or as a concession to identity politics, but simply because of the aesthetic value of this body of writing, and for the insights it offers into the human condition. In a society that is still largely unwilling to recognize Dalits as equal, rights bearing human beings, in a society that is inherently indifferent to the everyday violence against Dalits, in a society unwilling to share social and cultural resources equitably with Dalits unless mandated by law (as seen in the anti-reservation discourse), Dalit literature has the potential to humanise non-Dalits and sensitise them to a world into which they have no insight. But before we can understand what Dalit literature is seeking to accomplish, we need first to come to terms with the stranglehold of non-Dalit representations of Dalits. Rohinton Mistry's A Fine Balance, published 15 years ago, chronicles the travails of two Dalit characters-uncle Ishvar and nephew Om Prakash-who migrate to Bombay and yet cannot escape brutality. While the present of the novel is set at the time of the Emergency, Ishvar's father Dukhi belongs to the era of the anti-colonial nationalist movement. During one of Dukhi's visits to the town, he chances upon a meeting of the Indian National Congress, where speakers spread the "Mahatma's message regarding the freedom struggle, the struggle for justice", and wiping out "the disease of untouchability, ravaging us for centuries, denying dignity to our fellow human beings." Neither in the 1940s, where the novel's past is set, nor in the Emergency period of the 1970s- when the minds and bodies Ishvar and Om Prakash, are savaged by the state-do we find any mention of a figure like BR Ambedkar or of Dalit movements. In his -nationalist' understanding of modern Indian history Mistry seems to have not Veered too far from the road charted by predecessors like Mulk Raj Anand and Prem Chand. Sixty years after Prem Chand, Mistry-s Uterary imagination seems stuck in the empathy-realism mode, trapping Dalits in abjection. Mistry happily continues the broad stereotype of the Dalit as a passive sufferer, without consciousness of caste politics. |
Directions Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions following that. In Manu Joseph's debut novel Serious Men, the protagonist, Ayyan Mani, is a sly, scheming. Dalit-Buddhist who almost gets away with passing off his partially deaf son, Adi, as a prodigy, a genius who can recite the first 1000 prime numbers. The garb of satire-where almost every character cuts a sorry figure-gives the author the license to offer one of the most bleak and pessimistic portrayals of urban Dalits. Despite his savage portrayal of Dalit (and female) characters-or perhaps because of it?-Serious Men has won critical appreciation from a cross section of readers and critics. At a time when a formidable body of Dalit literature-writing by Dalits about Dalit lives-has created a distinct space or itself, how and why is it that a novel such as Serious Men, with its gleefully skewed portrayal of an angry Dalit man, manages to win such accolades? In American literature-and particularly in the case of African-American authors and characters-these issues of representation have been debated for decades. But in India, the sustained refusal to address issues related to caste in everyday life-and the continued and unquestioned predominance of a Brahminical stranglehold over cultural production-have led us to a place where non-Dalit portrayal of Dalits in literature, cinema and art remains the norm. The journey of modern Dalit literature has been a difficult one. But even though it has not necessarily enjoyed the support of numbers, we must engage with what Dalits are writing-not simply for reasons of authenticity, or as a concession to identity politics, but simply because of the aesthetic value of this body of writing, and for the insights it offers into the human condition. In a society that is still largely unwilling to recognize Dalits as equal, rights bearing human beings, in a society that is inherently indifferent to the everyday violence against Dalits, in a society unwilling to share social and cultural resources equitably with Dalits unless mandated by law (as seen in the anti-reservation discourse), Dalit literature has the potential to humanise non-Dalits and sensitise them to a world into which they have no insight. But before we can understand what Dalit literature is seeking to accomplish, we need first to come to terms with the stranglehold of non-Dalit representations of Dalits. Rohinton Mistry's A Fine Balance, published 15 years ago, chronicles the travails of two Dalit characters-uncle Ishvar and nephew Om Prakash-who migrate to Bombay and yet cannot escape brutality. While the present of the novel is set at the time of the Emergency, Ishvar's father Dukhi belongs to the era of the anti-colonial nationalist movement. During one of Dukhi's visits to the town, he chances upon a meeting of the Indian National Congress, where speakers spread the "Mahatma's message regarding the freedom struggle, the struggle for justice", and wiping out "the disease of untouchability, ravaging us for centuries, denying dignity to our fellow human beings." Neither in the 1940s, where the novel's past is set, nor in the Emergency period of the 1970s- when the minds and bodies Ishvar and Om Prakash, are savaged by the state-do we find any mention of a figure like BR Ambedkar or of Dalit movements. In his -nationalist' understanding of modern Indian history Mistry seems to have not Veered too far from the road charted by predecessors like Mulk Raj Anand and Prem Chand. Sixty years after Prem Chand, Mistry-s Uterary imagination seems stuck in the empathy-realism mode, trapping Dalits in abjection. Mistry happily continues the broad stereotype of the Dalit as a passive sufferer, without consciousness of caste politics. |
Directions Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions following that. In Manu Joseph's debut novel Serious Men, the protagonist, Ayyan Mani, is a sly, scheming. Dalit-Buddhist who almost gets away with passing off his partially deaf son, Adi, as a prodigy, a genius who can recite the first 1000 prime numbers. The garb of satire-where almost every character cuts a sorry figure-gives the author the license to offer one of the most bleak and pessimistic portrayals of urban Dalits. Despite his savage portrayal of Dalit (and female) characters-or perhaps because of it?-Serious Men has won critical appreciation from a cross section of readers and critics. At a time when a formidable body of Dalit literature-writing by Dalits about Dalit lives-has created a distinct space or itself, how and why is it that a novel such as Serious Men, with its gleefully skewed portrayal of an angry Dalit man, manages to win such accolades? In American literature-and particularly in the case of African-American authors and characters-these issues of representation have been debated for decades. But in India, the sustained refusal to address issues related to caste in everyday life-and the continued and unquestioned predominance of a Brahminical stranglehold over cultural production-have led us to a place where non-Dalit portrayal of Dalits in literature, cinema and art remains the norm. The journey of modern Dalit literature has been a difficult one. But even though it has not necessarily enjoyed the support of numbers, we must engage with what Dalits are writing-not simply for reasons of authenticity, or as a concession to identity politics, but simply because of the aesthetic value of this body of writing, and for the insights it offers into the human condition. In a society that is still largely unwilling to recognize Dalits as equal, rights bearing human beings, in a society that is inherently indifferent to the everyday violence against Dalits, in a society unwilling to share social and cultural resources equitably with Dalits unless mandated by law (as seen in the anti-reservation discourse), Dalit literature has the potential to humanise non-Dalits and sensitise them to a world into which they have no insight. But before we can understand what Dalit literature is seeking to accomplish, we need first to come to terms with the stranglehold of non-Dalit representations of Dalits. Rohinton Mistry's A Fine Balance, published 15 years ago, chronicles the travails of two Dalit characters-uncle Ishvar and nephew Om Prakash-who migrate to Bombay and yet cannot escape brutality. While the present of the novel is set at the time of the Emergency, Ishvar's father Dukhi belongs to the era of the anti-colonial nationalist movement. During one of Dukhi's visits to the town, he chances upon a meeting of the Indian National Congress, where speakers spread the "Mahatma's message regarding the freedom struggle, the struggle for justice", and wiping out "the disease of untouchability, ravaging us for centuries, denying dignity to our fellow human beings." Neither in the 1940s, where the novel's past is set, nor in the Emergency period of the 1970s- when the minds and bodies Ishvar and Om Prakash, are savaged by the state-do we find any mention of a figure like BR Ambedkar or of Dalit movements. In his -nationalist' understanding of modern Indian history Mistry seems to have not Veered too far from the road charted by predecessors like Mulk Raj Anand and Prem Chand. Sixty years after Prem Chand, Mistry-s Uterary imagination seems stuck in the empathy-realism mode, trapping Dalits in abjection. Mistry happily continues the broad stereotype of the Dalit as a passive sufferer, without consciousness of caste politics. |
Directions Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions following that. In Manu Joseph's debut novel Serious Men, the protagonist, Ayyan Mani, is a sly, scheming. Dalit-Buddhist who almost gets away with passing off his partially deaf son, Adi, as a prodigy, a genius who can recite the first 1000 prime numbers. The garb of satire-where almost every character cuts a sorry figure-gives the author the license to offer one of the most bleak and pessimistic portrayals of urban Dalits. Despite his savage portrayal of Dalit (and female) characters-or perhaps because of it?-Serious Men has won critical appreciation from a cross section of readers and critics. At a time when a formidable body of Dalit literature-writing by Dalits about Dalit lives-has created a distinct space or itself, how and why is it that a novel such as Serious Men, with its gleefully skewed portrayal of an angry Dalit man, manages to win such accolades? In American literature-and particularly in the case of African-American authors and characters-these issues of representation have been debated for decades. But in India, the sustained refusal to address issues related to caste in everyday life-and the continued and unquestioned predominance of a Brahminical stranglehold over cultural production-have led us to a place where non-Dalit portrayal of Dalits in literature, cinema and art remains the norm. The journey of modern Dalit literature has been a difficult one. But even though it has not necessarily enjoyed the support of numbers, we must engage with what Dalits are writing-not simply for reasons of authenticity, or as a concession to identity politics, but simply because of the aesthetic value of this body of writing, and for the insights it offers into the human condition. In a society that is still largely unwilling to recognize Dalits as equal, rights bearing human beings, in a society that is inherently indifferent to the everyday violence against Dalits, in a society unwilling to share social and cultural resources equitably with Dalits unless mandated by law (as seen in the anti-reservation discourse), Dalit literature has the potential to humanise non-Dalits and sensitise them to a world into which they have no insight. But before we can understand what Dalit literature is seeking to accomplish, we need first to come to terms with the stranglehold of non-Dalit representations of Dalits. Rohinton Mistry's A Fine Balance, published 15 years ago, chronicles the travails of two Dalit characters-uncle Ishvar and nephew Om Prakash-who migrate to Bombay and yet cannot escape brutality. While the present of the novel is set at the time of the Emergency, Ishvar's father Dukhi belongs to the era of the anti-colonial nationalist movement. During one of Dukhi's visits to the town, he chances upon a meeting of the Indian National Congress, where speakers spread the "Mahatma's message regarding the freedom struggle, the struggle for justice", and wiping out "the disease of untouchability, ravaging us for centuries, denying dignity to our fellow human beings." Neither in the 1940s, where the novel's past is set, nor in the Emergency period of the 1970s- when the minds and bodies Ishvar and Om Prakash, are savaged by the state-do we find any mention of a figure like BR Ambedkar or of Dalit movements. In his -nationalist' understanding of modern Indian history Mistry seems to have not Veered too far from the road charted by predecessors like Mulk Raj Anand and Prem Chand. Sixty years after Prem Chand, Mistry-s Uterary imagination seems stuck in the empathy-realism mode, trapping Dalits in abjection. Mistry happily continues the broad stereotype of the Dalit as a passive sufferer, without consciousness of caste politics. |
Directions Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions following that. In Manu Joseph's debut novel Serious Men, the protagonist, Ayyan Mani, is a sly, scheming. Dalit-Buddhist who almost gets away with passing off his partially deaf son, Adi, as a prodigy, a genius who can recite the first 1000 prime numbers. The garb of satire-where almost every character cuts a sorry figure-gives the author the license to offer one of the most bleak and pessimistic portrayals of urban Dalits. Despite his savage portrayal of Dalit (and female) characters-or perhaps because of it?-Serious Men has won critical appreciation from a cross section of readers and critics. At a time when a formidable body of Dalit literature-writing by Dalits about Dalit lives-has created a distinct space or itself, how and why is it that a novel such as Serious Men, with its gleefully skewed portrayal of an angry Dalit man, manages to win such accolades? In American literature-and particularly in the case of African-American authors and characters-these issues of representation have been debated for decades. But in India, the sustained refusal to address issues related to caste in everyday life-and the continued and unquestioned predominance of a Brahminical stranglehold over cultural production-have led us to a place where non-Dalit portrayal of Dalits in literature, cinema and art remains the norm. The journey of modern Dalit literature has been a difficult one. But even though it has not necessarily enjoyed the support of numbers, we must engage with what Dalits are writing-not simply for reasons of authenticity, or as a concession to identity politics, but simply because of the aesthetic value of this body of writing, and for the insights it offers into the human condition. In a society that is still largely unwilling to recognize Dalits as equal, rights bearing human beings, in a society that is inherently indifferent to the everyday violence against Dalits, in a society unwilling to share social and cultural resources equitably with Dalits unless mandated by law (as seen in the anti-reservation discourse), Dalit literature has the potential to humanise non-Dalits and sensitise them to a world into which they have no insight. But before we can understand what Dalit literature is seeking to accomplish, we need first to come to terms with the stranglehold of non-Dalit representations of Dalits. Rohinton Mistry's A Fine Balance, published 15 years ago, chronicles the travails of two Dalit characters-uncle Ishvar and nephew Om Prakash-who migrate to Bombay and yet cannot escape brutality. While the present of the novel is set at the time of the Emergency, Ishvar's father Dukhi belongs to the era of the anti-colonial nationalist movement. During one of Dukhi's visits to the town, he chances upon a meeting of the Indian National Congress, where speakers spread the "Mahatma's message regarding the freedom struggle, the struggle for justice", and wiping out "the disease of untouchability, ravaging us for centuries, denying dignity to our fellow human beings." Neither in the 1940s, where the novel's past is set, nor in the Emergency period of the 1970s- when the minds and bodies Ishvar and Om Prakash, are savaged by the state-do we find any mention of a figure like BR Ambedkar or of Dalit movements. In his -nationalist' understanding of modern Indian history Mistry seems to have not Veered too far from the road charted by predecessors like Mulk Raj Anand and Prem Chand. Sixty years after Prem Chand, Mistry-s Uterary imagination seems stuck in the empathy-realism mode, trapping Dalits in abjection. Mistry happily continues the broad stereotype of the Dalit as a passive sufferer, without consciousness of caste politics. |
Directions Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions following that. In Manu Joseph's debut novel Serious Men, the protagonist, Ayyan Mani, is a sly, scheming. Dalit-Buddhist who almost gets away with passing off his partially deaf son, Adi, as a prodigy, a genius who can recite the first 1000 prime numbers. The garb of satire-where almost every character cuts a sorry figure-gives the author the license to offer one of the most bleak and pessimistic portrayals of urban Dalits. Despite his savage portrayal of Dalit (and female) characters-or perhaps because of it?-Serious Men has won critical appreciation from a cross section of readers and critics. At a time when a formidable body of Dalit literature-writing by Dalits about Dalit lives-has created a distinct space or itself, how and why is it that a novel such as Serious Men, with its gleefully skewed portrayal of an angry Dalit man, manages to win such accolades? In American literature-and particularly in the case of African-American authors and characters-these issues of representation have been debated for decades. But in India, the sustained refusal to address issues related to caste in everyday life-and the continued and unquestioned predominance of a Brahminical stranglehold over cultural production-have led us to a place where non-Dalit portrayal of Dalits in literature, cinema and art remains the norm. The journey of modern Dalit literature has been a difficult one. But even though it has not necessarily enjoyed the support of numbers, we must engage with what Dalits are writing-not simply for reasons of authenticity, or as a concession to identity politics, but simply because of the aesthetic value of this body of writing, and for the insights it offers into the human condition. In a society that is still largely unwilling to recognize Dalits as equal, rights bearing human beings, in a society that is inherently indifferent to the everyday violence against Dalits, in a society unwilling to share social and cultural resources equitably with Dalits unless mandated by law (as seen in the anti-reservation discourse), Dalit literature has the potential to humanise non-Dalits and sensitise them to a world into which they have no insight. But before we can understand what Dalit literature is seeking to accomplish, we need first to come to terms with the stranglehold of non-Dalit representations of Dalits. Rohinton Mistry's A Fine Balance, published 15 years ago, chronicles the travails of two Dalit characters-uncle Ishvar and nephew Om Prakash-who migrate to Bombay and yet cannot escape brutality. While the present of the novel is set at the time of the Emergency, Ishvar's father Dukhi belongs to the era of the anti-colonial nationalist movement. During one of Dukhi's visits to the town, he chances upon a meeting of the Indian National Congress, where speakers spread the "Mahatma's message regarding the freedom struggle, the struggle for justice", and wiping out "the disease of untouchability, ravaging us for centuries, denying dignity to our fellow human beings." Neither in the 1940s, where the novel's past is set, nor in the Emergency period of the 1970s- when the minds and bodies Ishvar and Om Prakash, are savaged by the state-do we find any mention of a figure like BR Ambedkar or of Dalit movements. In his -nationalist' understanding of modern Indian history Mistry seems to have not Veered too far from the road charted by predecessors like Mulk Raj Anand and Prem Chand. Sixty years after Prem Chand, Mistry-s Uterary imagination seems stuck in the empathy-realism mode, trapping Dalits in abjection. Mistry happily continues the broad stereotype of the Dalit as a passive sufferer, without consciousness of caste politics. |
Directions Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions following that. In recent weeks, the writers William Dalrymple and Patrick French, among others, have come before a fusillade of criticism in India, much of it questioning not their facts, not their interpretations, but their foreignness. "Who gets to write about India?" The Wall Street Journal asked on Wednesday in its own report on this Indian literary feuding. It is a complicated question, not least because to decide who gets to write about India, you would need to decide who gets to decide who gets to write about India. Rather than conjecturing some Committee the Deciding of Who gets to write about India, it might be easier to let writers write what they please and readers read what they wish. The accusations pouring forth from a section of the Indian commentarial are varied. Some criticism is of a genuine literary nature, fair game, customary, expected. But lately a good amount of the reproaching has been about identity. In the case of Mr Dalrymple, a Briton who lives in New Delhi, it is-in the critics' view-that his writing is an act of re-colonization. In the case of Mr French, it is that he belongs to a group of foreign writers who use business class lounges and see some merit in capitalism and therefore do not know the real India, which only the commentarial member in question does. What is most interesting about these appraisals is that their essential nature makes reading the book superfluous, as one of my Indian reviewers openly admitted. (His review was not about the book but about his refusal to read the book.) The book is not necessary in these cases, for the argument is about who can write about India, not what has been written. For critics of this persuasion, India surely seems a lonely land. A country with a millennial history of Hindus, Christians, Jews, Muslims and Buddhists living peaceably together; a country of hundreds of dialects in which so many Indians are linguistic foreigners to each other, and happily, tolerantly so; a country that welcomes foreign seekers (of yoga poses, of spiritual wisdom, of ancestral roots) with open arms; a country where outside the elite world of South Delhi and South Bombay. I have not heard an Indian ask whether outsiders have a right to write, think or exist on their soil. But it is not just this deep-in-the-bones pluralism that challenges the who-gets-to-write-about -India contingent. It is also that at the very heart of India's multifarious changes today is this glimmering idea: that Indians must be rewarded for what they do, not who they are. Identities you never chose-caste, gender, birth order-are becoming less important determinants of fate. Your deeds-how hard you work, what risks you take-are becoming more important. It is this idea, which I have found pulsating throughout the Indian layers, that leaves a certain portion of the intelligentsia out of sync with the surrounding country. As Mr French has observed, there is a tendency in some of these writers to value social mobility only for themselves. When the new economy lifts up the huddled masses, then it becomes tawdry capitalism and rapacious imperialism and soulless globalization. Fortunately for those without Indian passports, the nativists' vision of India is under demographic siege. The young and the relentless are India's future, They could not think more differently from these literatis. They savour the freedom they are gaining to seek their own level in the society and to find their voice; and they tend to be delighted at the thought that some foreicmers do the same in India and love their country s they do. |
Directions Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions following that. In recent weeks, the writers William Dalrymple and Patrick French, among others, have come before a fusillade of criticism in India, much of it questioning not their facts, not their interpretations, but their foreignness. "Who gets to write about India?" The Wall Street Journal asked on Wednesday in its own report on this Indian literary feuding. It is a complicated question, not least because to decide who gets to write about India, you would need to decide who gets to decide who gets to write about India. Rather than conjecturing some Committee the Deciding of Who gets to write about India, it might be easier to let writers write what they please and readers read what they wish. The accusations pouring forth from a section of the Indian commentarial are varied. Some criticism is of a genuine literary nature, fair game, customary, expected. But lately a good amount of the reproaching has been about identity. In the case of Mr Dalrymple, a Briton who lives in New Delhi, it is-in the critics' view-that his writing is an act of re-colonization. In the case of Mr French, it is that he belongs to a group of foreign writers who use business class lounges and see some merit in capitalism and therefore do not know the real India, which only the commentarial member in question does. What is most interesting about these appraisals is that their essential nature makes reading the book superfluous, as one of my Indian reviewers openly admitted. (His review was not about the book but about his refusal to read the book.) The book is not necessary in these cases, for the argument is about who can write about India, not what has been written. For critics of this persuasion, India surely seems a lonely land. A country with a millennial history of Hindus, Christians, Jews, Muslims and Buddhists living peaceably together; a country of hundreds of dialects in which so many Indians are linguistic foreigners to each other, and happily, tolerantly so; a country that welcomes foreign seekers (of yoga poses, of spiritual wisdom, of ancestral roots) with open arms; a country where outside the elite world of South Delhi and South Bombay. I have not heard an Indian ask whether outsiders have a right to write, think or exist on their soil. But it is not just this deep-in-the-bones pluralism that challenges the who-gets-to-write-about -India contingent. It is also that at the very heart of India's multifarious changes today is this glimmering idea: that Indians must be rewarded for what they do, not who they are. Identities you never chose-caste, gender, birth order-are becoming less important determinants of fate. Your deeds-how hard you work, what risks you take-are becoming more important. It is this idea, which I have found pulsating throughout the Indian layers, that leaves a certain portion of the intelligentsia out of sync with the surrounding country. As Mr French has observed, there is a tendency in some of these writers to value social mobility only for themselves. When the new economy lifts up the huddled masses, then it becomes tawdry capitalism and rapacious imperialism and soulless globalization. Fortunately for those without Indian passports, the nativists' vision of India is under demographic siege. The young and the relentless are India's future, They could not think more differently from these literatis. They savour the freedom they are gaining to seek their own level in the society and to find their voice; and they tend to be delighted at the thought that some foreicmers do the same in India and love their country s they do. |
Directions Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions following that. In recent weeks, the writers William Dalrymple and Patrick French, among others, have come before a fusillade of criticism in India, much of it questioning not their facts, not their interpretations, but their foreignness. "Who gets to write about India?" The Wall Street Journal asked on Wednesday in its own report on this Indian literary feuding. It is a complicated question, not least because to decide who gets to write about India, you would need to decide who gets to decide who gets to write about India. Rather than conjecturing some Committee the Deciding of Who gets to write about India, it might be easier to let writers write what they please and readers read what they wish. The accusations pouring forth from a section of the Indian commentarial are varied. Some criticism is of a genuine literary nature, fair game, customary, expected. But lately a good amount of the reproaching has been about identity. In the case of Mr Dalrymple, a Briton who lives in New Delhi, it is-in the critics' view-that his writing is an act of re-colonization. In the case of Mr French, it is that he belongs to a group of foreign writers who use business class lounges and see some merit in capitalism and therefore do not know the real India, which only the commentarial member in question does. What is most interesting about these appraisals is that their essential nature makes reading the book superfluous, as one of my Indian reviewers openly admitted. (His review was not about the book but about his refusal to read the book.) The book is not necessary in these cases, for the argument is about who can write about India, not what has been written. For critics of this persuasion, India surely seems a lonely land. A country with a millennial history of Hindus, Christians, Jews, Muslims and Buddhists living peaceably together; a country of hundreds of dialects in which so many Indians are linguistic foreigners to each other, and happily, tolerantly so; a country that welcomes foreign seekers (of yoga poses, of spiritual wisdom, of ancestral roots) with open arms; a country where outside the elite world of South Delhi and South Bombay. I have not heard an Indian ask whether outsiders have a right to write, think or exist on their soil. But it is not just this deep-in-the-bones pluralism that challenges the who-gets-to-write-about -India contingent. It is also that at the very heart of India's multifarious changes today is this glimmering idea: that Indians must be rewarded for what they do, not who they are. Identities you never chose-caste, gender, birth order-are becoming less important determinants of fate. Your deeds-how hard you work, what risks you take-are becoming more important. It is this idea, which I have found pulsating throughout the Indian layers, that leaves a certain portion of the intelligentsia out of sync with the surrounding country. As Mr French has observed, there is a tendency in some of these writers to value social mobility only for themselves. When the new economy lifts up the huddled masses, then it becomes tawdry capitalism and rapacious imperialism and soulless globalization. Fortunately for those without Indian passports, the nativists' vision of India is under demographic siege. The young and the relentless are India's future, They could not think more differently from these literati's. They savour the freedom they are gaining to seek their own level in the society and to find their voice; and they tend to be delighted at the thought that some foreicmers do the same in India and love their country s they do. |
Directions Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions following that. In recent weeks, the writers William Dalrymple and Patrick French, among others, have come before a fusillade of criticism in India, much of it questioning not their facts, not their interpretations, but their foreignness. "Who gets to write about India?" The Wall Street Journal asked on Wednesday in its own report on this Indian literary feuding. It is a complicated question, not least because to decide who gets to write about India, you would need to decide who gets to decide who gets to write about India. Rather than conjecturing some Committee the Deciding of Who gets to write about India, it might be easier to let writers write what they please and readers read what they wish. The accusations pouring forth from a section of the Indian commentarial are varied. Some criticism is of a genuine literary nature, fair game, customary, expected. But lately a good amount of the reproaching has been about identity. In the case of Mr Dalrymple, a Briton who lives in New Delhi, it is-in the critics' view-that his writing is an act of re-colonization. In the case of Mr French, it is that he belongs to a group of foreign writers who use business class lounges and see some merit in capitalism and therefore do not know the real India, which only the commentarial member in question does. What is most interesting about these appraisals is that their essential nature makes reading the book superfluous, as one of my Indian reviewers openly admitted. (His review was not about the book but about his refusal to read the book.) The book is not necessary in these cases, for the argument is about who can write about India, not what has been written. For critics of this persuasion, India surely seems a lonely land. A country with a millennial history of Hindus, Christians, Jews, Muslims and Buddhists living peaceably together; a country of hundreds of dialects in which so many Indians are linguistic foreigners to each other, and happily, tolerantly so; a country that welcomes foreign seekers (of yoga poses, of spiritual wisdom, of ancestral roots) with open arms; a country where outside the elite world of South Delhi and South Bombay. I have not heard an Indian ask whether outsiders have a right to write, think or exist on their soil. But it is not just this deep-in-the-bones pluralism that challenges the who-gets-to-write-about -India contingent. It is also that at the very heart of India's multifarious changes today is this glimmering idea: that Indians must be rewarded for what they do, not who they are. Identities you never chose-caste, gender, birth order-are becoming less important determinants of fate. Your deeds-how hard you work, what risks you take-are becoming more important. It is this idea, which I have found pulsating throughout the Indian layers, that leaves a certain portion of the intelligentsia out of sync with the surrounding country. As Mr French has observed, there is a tendency in some of these writers to value social mobility only for themselves. When the new economy lifts up the huddled masses, then it becomes tawdry capitalism and rapacious imperialism and soulless globalization. Fortunately for those without Indian passports, the nativists' vision of India is under demographic siege. The young and the relentless are India's future, They could not think more differently from these literati's. They savour the freedom they are gaining to seek their own level in the society and to find their voice; and they tend to be delighted at the thought that some foreicmers do the same in India and love their country s they do. |
Directions Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions following that. In recent weeks, the writers William Dalrymple and Patrick French, among others, have come before a fusillade of criticism in India, much of it questioning not their facts, not their interpretations, but their foreignness. "Who gets to write about India?" The Wall Street Journal asked on Wednesday in its own report on this Indian literary feuding. It is a complicated question, not least because to decide who gets to write about India, you would need to decide who gets to decide who gets to write about India. Rather than conjecturing some Committee the Deciding of Who gets to write about India, it might be easier to let writers write what they please and readers read what they wish. The accusations pouring forth from a section of the Indian commentarial are varied. Some criticism is of a genuine literary nature, fair game, customary, expected. But lately a good amount of the reproaching has been about identity. In the case of Mr Dalrymple, a Briton who lives in New Delhi, it is-in the critics' view-that his writing is an act of re-colonization. In the case of Mr French, it is that he belongs to a group of foreign writers who use business class lounges and see some merit in capitalism and therefore do not know the real India, which only the commentarial member in question does. What is most interesting about these appraisals is that their essential nature makes reading the book superfluous, as one of my Indian reviewers openly admitted. (His review was not about the book but about his refusal to read the book.) The book is not necessary in these cases, for the argument is about who can write about India, not what has been written. For critics of this persuasion, India surely seems a lonely land. A country with a millennial history of Hindus, Christians, Jews, Muslims and Buddhists living peaceably together; a country of hundreds of dialects in which so many Indians are linguistic foreigners to each other, and happily, tolerantly so; a country that welcomes foreign seekers (of yoga poses, of spiritual wisdom, of ancestral roots) with open arms; a country where outside the elite world of South Delhi and South Bombay. I have not heard an Indian ask whether outsiders have a right to write, think or exist on their soil. But it is not just this deep-in-the-bones pluralism that challenges the who-gets-to-write-about -India contingent. It is also that at the very heart of India's multifarious changes today is this glimmering idea: that Indians must be rewarded for what they do, not who they are. Identities you never chose-caste, gender, birth order-are becoming less important determinants of fate. Your deeds-how hard you work, what risks you take-are becoming more important. It is this idea, which I have found pulsating throughout the Indian layers, that leaves a certain portion of the intelligentsia out of sync with the surrounding country. As Mr French has observed, there is a tendency in some of these writers to value social mobility only for themselves. When the new economy lifts up the huddled masses, then it becomes tawdry capitalism and rapacious imperialism and soulless globalization. Fortunately for those without Indian passports, the nativists' vision of India is under demographic siege. The young and the relentless are India's future, They could not think more differently from these literati's. They savour the freedom they are gaining to seek their own level in the society and to find their voice; and they tend to be delighted at the thought that some foreicmers do the same in India and love their country s they do. |
Directions Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions following that. In recent weeks, the writers William Dalrymple and Patrick French, among others, have come before a fusillade of criticism in India, much of it questioning not their facts, not their interpretations, but their foreignness. "Who gets to write about India?" The Wall Street Journal asked on Wednesday in its own report on this Indian literary feuding. It is a complicated question, not least because to decide who gets to write about India, you would need to decide who gets to decide who gets to write about India. Rather than conjecturing some Committee the Deciding of Who gets to write about India, it might be easier to let writers write what they please and readers read what they wish. The accusations pouring forth from a section of the Indian commentarial are varied. Some criticism is of a genuine literary nature, fair game, customary, expected. But lately a good amount of the reproaching has been about identity. In the case of Mr Dalrymple, a Briton who lives in New Delhi, it is-in the critics' view-that his writing is an act of re-colonization. In the case of Mr French, it is that he belongs to a group of foreign writers who use business class lounges and see some merit in capitalism and therefore do not know the real India, which only the commentarial member in question does. What is most interesting about these appraisals is that their essential nature makes reading the book superfluous, as one of my Indian reviewers openly admitted. (His review was not about the book but about his refusal to read the book.) The book is not necessary in these cases, for the argument is about who can write about India, not what has been written. For critics of this persuasion, India surely seems a lonely land. A country with a millennial history of Hindus, Christians, Jews, Muslims and Buddhists living peaceably together; a country of hundreds of dialects in which so many Indians are linguistic foreigners to each other, and happily, tolerantly so; a country that welcomes foreign seekers (of yoga poses, of spiritual wisdom, of ancestral roots) with open arms; a country where outside the elite world of South Delhi and South Bombay. I have not heard an Indian ask whether outsiders have a right to write, think or exist on their soil. But it is not just this deep-in-the-bones pluralism that challenges the who-gets-to-write-about -India contingent. It is also that at the very heart of India's multifarious changes today is this glimmering idea: that Indians must be rewarded for what they do, not who they are. Identities you never chose-caste, gender, birth order-are becoming less important determinants of fate. Your deeds-how hard you work, what risks you take-are becoming more important. It is this idea, which I have found pulsating throughout the Indian layers, that leaves a certain portion of the intelligentsia out of sync with the surrounding country. As Mr French has observed, there is a tendency in some of these writers to value social mobility only for themselves. When the new economy lifts up the huddled masses, then it becomes tawdry capitalism and rapacious imperialism and soulless globalization. Fortunately for those without Indian passports, the nativists' vision of India is under demographic siege. The young and the relentless are India's future, They could not think more differently from these literati's. They savour the freedom they are gaining to seek their own level in the society and to find their voice; and they tend to be delighted at the thought that some foreicmers do the same in India and love their country s they do. |
Directions Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions following that. In recent weeks, the writers William Dalrymple and Patrick French, among others, have come before a fusillade of criticism in India, much of it questioning not their facts, not their interpretations, but their foreignness. "Who gets to write about India?" The Wall Street Journal asked on Wednesday in its own report on this Indian literary feuding. It is a complicated question, not least because to decide who gets to write about India, you would need to decide who gets to decide who gets to write about India. Rather than conjecturing some Committee the Deciding of Who gets to write about India, it might be easier to let writers write what they please and readers read what they wish. The accusations pouring forth from a section of the Indian commentarial are varied. Some criticism is of a genuine literary nature, fair game, customary, expected. But lately a good amount of the reproaching has been about identity. In the case of Mr Dalrymple, a Briton who lives in New Delhi, it is-in the critics' view-that his writing is an act of re-colonization. In the case of Mr French, it is that he belongs to a group of foreign writers who use business class lounges and see some merit in capitalism and therefore do not know the real India, which only the commentarial member in question does. What is most interesting about these appraisals is that their essential nature makes reading the book superfluous, as one of my Indian reviewers openly admitted. (His review was not about the book but about his refusal to read the book.) The book is not necessary in these cases, for the argument is about who can write about India, not what has been written. For critics of this persuasion, India surely seems a lonely land. A country with a millennial history of Hindus, Christians, Jews, Muslims and Buddhists living peaceably together; a country of hundreds of dialects in which so many Indians are linguistic foreigners to each other, and happily, tolerantly so; a country that welcomes foreign seekers (of yoga poses, of spiritual wisdom, of ancestral roots) with open arms; a country where outside the elite world of South Delhi and South Bombay. I have not heard an Indian ask whether outsiders have a right to write, think or exist on their soil. But it is not just this deep-in-the-bones pluralism that challenges the who-gets-to-write-about -India contingent. It is also that at the very heart of India's multifarious changes today is this glimmering idea: that Indians must be rewarded for what they do, not who they are. Identities you never chose-caste, gender, birth order-are becoming less important determinants of fate. Your deeds-how hard you work, what risks you take-are becoming more important. It is this idea, which I have found pulsating throughout the Indian layers, that leaves a certain portion of the intelligentsia out of sync with the surrounding country. As Mr French has observed, there is a tendency in some of these writers to value social mobility only for themselves. When the new economy lifts up the huddled masses, then it becomes tawdry capitalism and rapacious imperialism and soulless globalization. Fortunately for those without Indian passports, the nativists' vision of India is under demographic siege. The young and the relentless are India's future, They could not think more differently from these literati's. They savour the freedom they are gaining to seek their own level in the society and to find their voice; and they tend to be delighted at the thought that some foreicmers do the same in India and love their country s they do. |
Directions Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions following that. In recent weeks, the writers William Dalrymple and Patrick French, among others, have come before a fusillade of criticism in India, much of it questioning not their facts, not their interpretations, but their foreignness. "Who gets to write about India?" The Wall Street Journal asked on Wednesday in its own report on this Indian literary feuding. It is a complicated question, not least because to decide who gets to write about India, you would need to decide who gets to decide who gets to write about India. Rather than conjecturing some Committee the Deciding of Who gets to write about India, it might be easier to let writers write what they please and readers read what they wish. The accusations pouring forth from a section of the Indian commentarial are varied. Some criticism is of a genuine literary nature, fair game, customary, expected. But lately a good amount of the reproaching has been about identity. In the case of Mr Dalrymple, a Briton who lives in New Delhi, it is-in the critics' view-that his writing is an act of re-colonization. In the case of Mr French, it is that he belongs to a group of foreign writers who use business class lounges and see some merit in capitalism and therefore do not know the real India, which only the commentarial member in question does. What is most interesting about these appraisals is that their essential nature makes reading the book superfluous, as one of my Indian reviewers openly admitted. (His review was not about the book but about his refusal to read the book.) The book is not necessary in these cases, for the argument is about who can write about India, not what has been written. For critics of this persuasion, India surely seems a lonely land. A country with a millennial history of Hindus, Christians, Jews, Muslims and Buddhists living peaceably together; a country of hundreds of dialects in which so many Indians are linguistic foreigners to each other, and happily, tolerantly so; a country that welcomes foreign seekers (of yoga poses, of spiritual wisdom, of ancestral roots) with open arms; a country where outside the elite world of South Delhi and South Bombay. I have not heard an Indian ask whether outsiders have a right to write, think or exist on their soil. But it is not just this deep-in-the-bones pluralism that challenges the who-gets-to-write-about -India contingent. It is also that at the very heart of India's multifarious changes today is this glimmering idea: that Indians must be rewarded for what they do, not who they are. Identities you never chose-caste, gender, birth order-are becoming less important determinants of fate. Your deeds-how hard you work, what risks you take-are becoming more important. It is this idea, which I have found pulsating throughout the Indian layers, that leaves a certain portion of the intelligentsia out of sync with the surrounding country. As Mr French has observed, there is a tendency in some of these writers to value social mobility only for themselves. When the new economy lifts up the huddled masses, then it becomes tawdry capitalism and rapacious imperialism and soulless globalization. Fortunately for those without Indian passports, the nativists' vision of India is under demographic siege. The young and the relentless are India's future, They could not think more differently from these literati's. They savour the freedom they are gaining to seek their own level in the society and to find their voice; and they tend to be delighted at the thought that some foreicmers do the same in India and love their country s they do. |
Directions Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions following that. In recent weeks, the writers William Dalrymple and Patrick French, among others, have come before a fusillade of criticism in India, much of it questioning not their facts, not their interpretations, but their foreignness. "Who gets to write about India?" The Wall Street Journal asked on Wednesday in its own report on this Indian literary feuding. It is a complicated question, not least because to decide who gets to write about India, you would need to decide who gets to decide who gets to write about India. Rather than conjecturing some Committee the Deciding of Who gets to write about India, it might be easier to let writers write what they please and readers read what they wish. The accusations pouring forth from a section of the Indian commentarial are varied. Some criticism is of a genuine literary nature, fair game, customary, expected. But lately a good amount of the reproaching has been about identity. In the case of Mr Dalrymple, a Briton who lives in New Delhi, it is-in the critics' view-that his writing is an act of re-colonization. In the case of Mr French, it is that he belongs to a group of foreign writers who use business class lounges and see some merit in capitalism and therefore do not know the real India, which only the commentarial member in question does. What is most interesting about these appraisals is that their essential nature makes reading the book superfluous, as one of my Indian reviewers openly admitted. (His review was not about the book but about his refusal to read the book.) The book is not necessary in these cases, for the argument is about who can write about India, not what has been written. For critics of this persuasion, India surely seems a lonely land. A country with a millennial history of Hindus, Christians, Jews, Muslims and Buddhists living peaceably together; a country of hundreds of dialects in which so many Indians are linguistic foreigners to each other, and happily, tolerantly so; a country that welcomes foreign seekers (of yoga poses, of spiritual wisdom, of ancestral roots) with open arms; a country where outside the elite world of South Delhi and South Bombay. I have not heard an Indian ask whether outsiders have a right to write, think or exist on their soil. But it is not just this deep-in-the-bones pluralism that challenges the who-gets-to-write-about -India contingent. It is also that at the very heart of India's multifarious changes today is this glimmering idea: that Indians must be rewarded for what they do, not who they are. Identities you never chose-caste, gender, birth order-are becoming less important determinants of fate. Your deeds-how hard you work, what risks you take-are becoming more important. It is this idea, which I have found pulsating throughout the Indian layers, that leaves a certain portion of the intelligentsia out of sync with the surrounding country. As Mr French has observed, there is a tendency in some of these writers to value social mobility only for themselves. When the new economy lifts up the huddled masses, then it becomes tawdry capitalism and rapacious imperialism and soulless globalization. Fortunately for those without Indian passports, the nativists' vision of India is under demographic siege. The young and the relentless are India's future, They could not think more differently from these literati's. They savour the freedom they are gaining to seek their own level in the society and to find their voice; and they tend to be delighted at the thought that some foreicmers do the same in India and love their country s they do. |
Directions Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions following that. In recent weeks, the writers William Dalrymple and Patrick French, among others, have come before a fusillade of criticism in India, much of it questioning not their facts, not their interpretations, but their foreignness. "Who gets to write about India?" The Wall Street Journal asked on Wednesday in its own report on this Indian literary feuding. It is a complicated question, not least because to decide who gets to write about India, you would need to decide who gets to decide who gets to write about India. Rather than conjecturing some Committee the Deciding of Who gets to write about India, it might be easier to let writers write what they please and readers read what they wish. The accusations pouring forth from a section of the Indian commentarial are varied. Some criticism is of a genuine literary nature, fair game, customary, expected. But lately a good amount of the reproaching has been about identity. In the case of Mr Dalrymple, a Briton who lives in New Delhi, it is-in the critics' view-that his writing is an act of re-colonization. In the case of Mr French, it is that he belongs to a group of foreign writers who use business class lounges and see some merit in capitalism and therefore do not know the real India, which only the commentarial member in question does. What is most interesting about these appraisals is that their essential nature makes reading the book superfluous, as one of my Indian reviewers openly admitted. (His review was not about the book but about his refusal to read the book.) The book is not necessary in these cases, for the argument is about who can write about India, not what has been written. For critics of this persuasion, India surely seems a lonely land. A country with a millennial history of Hindus, Christians, Jews, Muslims and Buddhists living peaceably together; a country of hundreds of dialects in which so many Indians are linguistic foreigners to each other, and happily, tolerantly so; a country that welcomes foreign seekers (of yoga poses, of spiritual wisdom, of ancestral roots) with open arms; a country where outside the elite world of South Delhi and South Bombay. I have not heard an Indian ask whether outsiders have a right to write, think or exist on their soil. But it is not just this deep-in-the-bones pluralism that challenges the who-gets-to-write-about -India contingent. It is also that at the very heart of India's multifarious changes today is this glimmering idea: that Indians must be rewarded for what they do, not who they are. Identities you never chose-caste, gender, birth order-are becoming less important determinants of fate. Your deeds-how hard you work, what risks you take-are becoming more important. It is this idea, which I have found pulsating throughout the Indian layers, that leaves a certain portion of the intelligentsia out of sync with the surrounding country. As Mr French has observed, there is a tendency in some of these writers to value social mobility only for themselves. When the new economy lifts up the huddled masses, then it becomes tawdry capitalism and rapacious imperialism and soulless globalization. Fortunately for those without Indian passports, the nativists' vision of India is under demographic siege. The young and the relentless are India's future, They could not think more differently from these literati's. They savour the freedom they are gaining to seek their own level in the society and to find their voice; and they tend to be delighted at the thought that some foreicmers do the same in India and love their country s they do. |
Directions (Q. Nos. Study the sequence of letters, numbers or words carefully to work out the pattern on which it is based, and therefore what the next item in the the sequence must be. e.g., the sequence 'A, C, E, G,...', has odd numbered letters of the alphabet, therefore the next item must be 'l'. The meanings of the words are irrelevant. |
Directions (Q. Nos. Study the sequence of letters, numbers or words carefully to work out the pattern on which it is based, and therefore what the next item in the sequence must be. e.g., the sequence 'A, C, E, G,...', has odd numbered letters of the alphabet, therefore the next item must be 'l'. The meanings of the words are irrelevant. |
Directions (Q. Nos. Study the sequence of letters, numbers or words carefully to work out the pattern on which it is based, and therefore what the next item must be in the sequence must be. e.g., the sequence 'A, C, E, G,...', has odd numbered letters of the alphabet, therefore the next item must be 'l'. The meanings of the words are irrelevant. |
Directions In the following three questions, assume that a fact expresses something that can be proved by clear and objective data. An opinion expresses a judgment, view, attitude or conclusion that is not backed by data. |
Directions In the following three questions, assume that a fact expresses something that can be proved by clear and objective data. An opinion expresses a judgment, view, attitude or conclusion that is not backed by data. |
Directions In the following three questions, assume that a fact expresses something that can be proved by clear and objective data. An opinion expresses a judgment, view, attitude or conclusion that is not backed by data. |
Directions There are two Or more statements along with four conclusions deduced from the statements. You are required to answer on the basis of the statements and the conclusions. Make the factual assumptions required by the question even, if you believe the statement is actually false. |
Directions Read the given passage carefully and answer the questions that follow. Instead of being concerned with what actually happens in practice......... (economics) is increasingly preoccupied with developing pseudo-mathematical formulas. These provide models of behavior which never quite fit what actually happens, in a way which resembles the physical sciences gone wrong instead of equations describing reality, economics produces equations describing ideal conditions and theoretical clarity of a type which never occurs in practice. |
Directions Read the given passage carefully and answer the questions that follow. Instead of being concerned with what actually happens in practice.........(economics) is increasingly preoccupied with developing pseudo-mathematical formulas. These provide models of behavior which never quite fit what actually happens, in a way which resembles the physical sciences gone wrong instead of equations describing reality, economics produces equations describing ideal conditions and theoretical clarity of a type which never occurs in practice. |
Directions Read the given passage carefully and answer the questions that follow. Instead of being concerned with what actually happens in practice.........(economics) is increasingly preoccupied with developing pseudo-mathematical formulas. These provide models of behavior which never quite fit what actually happens, in a way which resembles the physical sciences gone wrong instead of equations describing reality, economics produces equations describing ideal conditions and theoretical clarity of a type which never occurs in practice. |
Directions Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions following that. Religions, like camel caravans, seem to avoid mountain passes. Buddhism spread quickly South from Buddha's birth-place in Southern Nepal across the flat Gangetic plain to Sri Lanka. But it took a millennium to reach China ... The religious belt stretched eventually to Mongolia and Japan but in Afghanistan Buddhism filled only a narrow belt that left pagans among the valleys to the East and West in Kailash and Ghor. |
Directions Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions following that. Religions, like camel caravans, seem to avoid mountain passes. Buddhism spread quickly South from Buddha's birth-place in Southern Nepal across the flat Gangetic plain to Sri Lanka. But it took a millennium to reach China ... The religious belt stretched eventually to Mongolia and Japan but in Afghanistan Buddhism filled only a narrow belt that left pagans among the valleys to the East and West in Kailash and Ghor. |
Directions Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions following that. Friendship was indeed a value for the villagers, more for men than for women. Two good friends were said to be "like brothers' (literally, 'like elder brother- younger brother', annatammandirahage). I heard this expression several times and I could not help recalling the statement of an elderly English colleague who had told me that he and his brother were very close and had written to each other every week. He had added, 'we are very good friends.' That is friendship connoted intimacy in England while in Rampura (as in rural India everywhere), brotherhood conveyed intimacy. |
Directions Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions following that. Friendship was indeed a value for the villagers, more for men than for women. Two good friends were said to be "like brothers' (literally, 'like elder brother- younger brother', annatammandirahage). I heard this expression several times and I could not help recalling the statement of an elderly English colleague who had told me that he and his brother were very close and had written to each other every week. He had added, 'we are very good friends.' That is friendship connoted intimacy in England while in Rampura (as in rural India everywhere), brotherhood conveyed intimacy. |
Directions Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions following that. A language is most easily learnt when it is in tune with the social context. To teach an Indian child in English at the primary stage ......... strengthens distinctions of class and status and warps the mind. Failure to resort to regional languages in literacy campaigns also hampers their success. |
Directions Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions following that. A language is most easily learnt when it is in tune with the social context. To teach an Indian child in English at the primary stage ......... strengthens distinctions of class and status and warps the mind. Failure to resort to regional languages in literacy campaigns also hampers their success. |
Directions Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions following that. The tribes should develop their own culture and make their contribution to the cultural richness of the country. It is unnecessary to cause them to change then- customs, habits of diversions so far as to make themselves indistinguishable from other classes. To do so would be to rob rural and pastoral life of its color and stimulating diversity. |
Directions Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions following that. The tribes should develop their own culture and make their contribution to the cultural richness of the country. It is unnecessary to cause them to change then- customs, habits of diversions so far as to make themselves indistinguishable from other classes. To do so would be to rob rural and pastoral life of its color and stimulating diversity. |
Directions Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions following that. The tribes should develop their own culture and make their contribution to the cultural richness of the country. It is unnecessary to cause them to change then- customs, habits of diversions so far as to make themselves indistinguishable from other classes. To do so would be to rob rural and pastoral life of its color and stimulating diversity. |
Directions Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions following that. India is the only country in the world where, in the States which are governed by the Communist party, human rights are fully respected and that is only because the Bill of Rights is firmly entrenched in our National Constitution. We can proudly say that our Constitution gave us a flying start and equipped us adequately to meet the challenges of the future. |
Directions Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions following that. India is the only country in the world where, in the States which are governed by the Communist party, human rights are fully respected and that is only because the Bill of Rights is firmly entrenched in our National Constitution. We can proudly say that our Constitution gave us a flying start and equipped us adequately to meet the challenges of the future. |
Directions Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions following that. Poverty is ... more restrictive and limiting than anything else. If poverty and low standards continue then democracy, for all its fine institutions and ideals, ceases to be a liberating force. It must therefore aim continuously at the eradication of poverty and its companion unemployment. In other words, political democracy is not enough. It must develop into economic democracy also. |
Directions Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions following that. Poverty is ... more restrictive and limiting than anything else. If poverty and low standards continue then democracy, for all its fine institutions and ideals, ceases to be a liberating force. It must therefore aim continuously at the eradication of poverty and its companion unemployment. In other words, political democracy is not enough. It must develop into economic democracy also. |
Directions The following questions comprise of one or more statements. Please answer the questions on the basis of the given statement(s). Please make the factual assumptions required by the question even if you believe the statement is false. |
Directions The following questions comprise of one or more statements. Please answer the questions on the basis of the given statement(s). Please make the factual assumptions required by the question even if you believe the statement is false. |
Directions The following questions comprise of one or more statements. Please answer the questions on the basis of the given statement(s). Please make the factual assumptions required by the question even if you believe the statement is false. |
Statement 1 Sugar is bad for people with diabetes. |
Statement 2 Leela does not eat sugar. |
Assuming that Statements 1 and 2 are true, which of the following statements follows? |
Directions The following questions comprise of one or more statements. Please answer the questions on the basis of the given statement(s). Please make the factual assumptions required by the question even if you believe the statement is false. |
Statement 1 People who read fashion magazines do not like to read fiction. |
Statement 2 Tenzin does not read fashion magazines. Assuming that Statements 1 and 2 are true, which of the following conclusions might be said to follow? |
Directions The following questions comprise of one or more statements. Please answer the questions on the basis of the given statement(s). Please make the factual assumptions required by the question even if you believe the statement is false. |
Suleiman All Communists are atheists. |
Sheeba That is not true. Which of the following, if true would make Sheeba's reply the most convincing? |
Directions The following questions comprise of one or more statements. Please answer the questions on the basis of the given statement(s). Please make the factual assumptions required by the question even if you believe the statement is false. |
Statement 1 All pingos are byronic. |
Statement 2 Shalisto is byronic. |
Statements Therefore......... Fill in the blank . |
Directions Read the given argument or statement carefully, making any factual assumptions necessary. Then choose the best answer out of the four choices to the question asked. Note that not all the facts given will be relevant for determining the answer. |
Directions Read the given argument or statement carefully, making any factual assumptions necessary. Then choose the best answer out of the four choices to the question asked. Note that not all the facts given will be relevant for determining the answer. |
Directions Read the given argument or statement carefully, making any factual assumptions necessary. Then choose the best answer out of the four choices to the question asked. Note that not all the facts given will be relevant for determining the answer. |
Soft drinks have been shown by scientists to be bad for the teeth. Therefore, the government would be justified in banning all soft drinks from the Indian market. |
Assuming that the factual claim in the above argument is true, what else needs to be assumed for the conclusion to follow? |
Directions Read the given argument or statement carefully, making any factual assumptions necessary. Then choose the best answer out of the four choices to the question asked. Note that not all the facts given will be relevant for determining the answer. |
In order to be eligible for election to the Lok Sabha, a person must be atleast 25 yrs of age. Moreover, one must not be bankrupt. Therefore, Jatinder Singh, over 50 yrs of age and without any criminal convictions, cannot be the Speaker of the Lok Sabha since he has just filed for bankruptcy. |
Which of the following must be assumed for the conclusion to follow logically? |
Directions Read the given argument or statement carefully, making any factual assumptions necessary. Then choose the best answer out of the four choices to the question asked. Note that not all the facts given will be relevant for determining the answer. |
As a century draws to a close, people start behaving much like people coming to the end of a long life. People approaching death often start reflecting on the events of their lives. Similarly, people alive in 1999.......... Which of the following most logically completes the paragraph above? |
Directions Read the given argument or statement carefully, making any factual assumptions necessary. Then choose the best answer out of the four choices to the question asked. Note that not all the facts given will be relevant for determining the answer. |
The Roman poet and philosopher Lucretius proposed the following thought experiment. If the universe has a boundary, we can throw a spear at this boundary. If the spear flies through, then it is not a boundary. If the spear bounces back, there must something beyond this boundary that is itself in space, which means it is not a boundary at all. Either way, it turns out that the universe has no boundary. |
How best can the form of Lucretius' argument for the infinity of space be described? |
Directions Read the given argument or statement carefully, making any factual assumptions necessary. Then choose the best answer out of the four choices to the question asked. Note that not all the facts given will be relevant for determining the answer. |
Utilitarian?s believe that the right action is that which produces the most happiness. |
Which of the following claims is incompatible with the utilitarian view? |
Directions Read the given argument or statement carefully, making any factual assumptions necessary. Then choose the best answer out of the four choices to the question asked. Note that not all the facts given will be relevant for determining the answer. |
Senthil goes to Ambala for the first time in his life. On the way from the railway station to his hotel, he sees twelve people, all of them male. He concludes that there are no women in Ambala. As a matter of fact, there are many thousands of women in Ambala. |
Which of the following best describes Senthil's error? |
Directions Read the given argument or statement carefully, making any factual assumptions necessary. Then choose the best answer out of the four choices to the question asked. Note that not all the facts given will be relevant for determining the answer. |
It took many centuries before the countries of Europe could resolve their internal problems of violence and corruption to become the stable nation-states they are. |
Therefore, it will take many centuries for India to achieve internal stability. |
Assuming that the factual claims in the argument above are true, what must be assumed in order for the conclusion to follow? |
In answering the following questions, you should not rely on any rule(s) except the rule(s) that are supplied for every problem. Further, you should not assume, any fact other than those stated in the problem. The aim is to test your ability to properly apply a rule to a given set of facts, even when the result is absurd or unacceptable for any other reason. It is not the aim to test any knowledge of law you may already possess. Problem 1 Rules A. Whoever intending to take any moveable property out of the possession of any person, without that person's consent, moves that property out of his or her possession, is said to commit theft. B. A person who, without lawful excuse, damages any property belonging to another intending to damage any such property shall be guilty of causing criminal damage. C. Damage means any impairment of the value of a property. Facts Veena, an old lady of 78 yr, used to live with her granddaughter Indira. Veena was ill and therefore bed-ridden for several months. In those months, she could not tolerate any noise and it became quite difficult to clean her room. After she aied, Indira hired a cleaner, Lucky, to clean the room and* throw away any rubbish that may be there. There was a pile of old newspapers which Veena had stacked in a corner other room. Lucky asked Indira if he should clear away the pile of old newspapers, to which she said yes. Lucky took the pile to a municipality rubbish dump. While Lucky was sorting and throwing away the newspapers, he was very surprised to find a beautiful painting in between two sheets of paper. He thought that Indira probably wouldn't want this old painting back, especially because it was torn in several places and the colour was fading. He took the painting home, mounted it on a wooden frame and hung it on the wall of his bedroom. Unknown to him, the painting was an old masterpiece, and worth twenty thousand rupees. Before mounting the painting. Lucky pasted it on a plain sheet of paper so that it does not tear any more. By doing so, he made its professional restoration very difficult and thereby reduced its value by half. Lucky's neighbor Kamala discovered that the painting P belonged to Indira. With the motive of returning the painting to Indira, Kamala climbed through an open window into Lucky's room when he was away one afternoon and removed the painting from his house. |
In answering the following questions, you should not rely on any rule(s) except the rule(s) that are supplied for every problem. Further, you should not assume, any fact other than those stated in the problem. The aim is to test your ability to properly apply a rule to a given set of facts, even when the result is absurd or unacceptable for any other reason. It is not the aim to test any knowledge of law you may already possess. Problem 1 Rules A. Whoever intending to take any moveable property out of the possession of any person, without that person's consent, moves that property out of his or her possession, is said to commit theft. B. A person who, without lawful excuse, damages any property belonging to another intending to damage any such property shall be guilty of causing criminal damage. C. Damage means any impairment of the value of a property. Facts Veena, an old lady of 78 yr, used to live with her granddaughter Indira. Veena was ill and therefore bed-ridden for several months. In those months, she could not tolerate any noise and it became quite difficult to clean her room. After she aied, Indira hired a cleaner, Lucky, to clean the room and* throw away any rubbish that may be there. There was a pile of old newspapers which Veena had stacked in a corner other room. Lucky asked Indira if he should clear away the pile of old newspapers, to which she said yes. Lucky took the pile to a municipality rubbish dump. While Lucky was sorting and throwing away the newspapers, he was very surprised to find a beautiful painting in between two sheets of paper. He thought that Indira probably wouldn't want this old painting back, especially because it was torn in several places and the colour was fading. He took the painting home, mounted it on a wooden frame and hung it on the wall of his bedroom. Unknown to him, the painting was an old masterpiece, and worth twenty thousand rupees. Before mounting the painting. Lucky pasted it on a plain sheet of paper so that it does not tear any more. By doing so, he made its professional restoration very difficult and thereby reduced its value by half. Lucky's neighbor Kamala discovered that the painting P belonged to Indira. With the motive of returning the painting to Indira, Kamala climbed through an open window into Lucky's room when he was away one afternoon and removed the painting from his house. |
In answering the following questions, you should not rely on any rule(s) except the rule(s) that are supplied for every problem. Further, you should not assume, any fact other than those stated in the problem. The aim is to test your ability to properly apply a rule to a given set of facts, even when the result is absurd or unacceptable for any other reason. It is not the aim to test any knowledge of law you may already possess. Problem 1 Rules A. Whoever intending to take any moveable property out of the possession of any person, without that person's consent, moves that property out of his or her possession, is said to commit theft. B. A person who, without lawful excuse, damages any property belonging to another intending to damage any such property shall be guilty of causing criminal damage. C. Damage means any impairment of the value of a property. Facts Veena, an old lady of 78 yr, used to live with her granddaughter Indira. Veena was ill and therefore bed-ridden for several months. In those months, she could not tolerate any noise and it became quite difficult to clean her room. After she aied, Indira hired a cleaner, Lucky, to clean the room and* throw away any rubbish that may be there. There was a pile of old newspapers which Veena had stacked in a corner other room. Lucky asked Indira if he should clear away the pile of old newspapers, to which she said yes. Lucky took the pile to a municipality rubbish dump. While Lucky was sorting and throwing away the newspapers, he was very surprised to find a beautiful painting in between two sheets of paper. He thought that Indira probably wouldn't want this old painting back, especially because it was torn in several places and the colour was fading. He took the painting home, mounted it on a wooden frame and hung it on the wall of his bedroom. Unknown to him, the painting was an old masterpiece, and worth twenty thousand rupees. Before mounting the painting. Lucky pasted it on a plain sheet of paper so that it does not tear any more. By doing so, he made its professional restoration very difficult and thereby reduced its value by half. Lucky's neighbor Kamala discovered that the painting P belonged to Indira. With the motive of returning the painting to Indira, Kamala climbed through an open window into Lucky's room when he was away one afternoon and removed the painting from his house. |
In answering the following questions, you should not rely on any rule(s) except the rule(s) that are supplied for every problem. Further, you should not assume, any fact other than those stated in the problem. The aim is to test your ability to properly apply a rule to a given set of facts, even when the result is absurd or unacceptable for any other reason. It is not the aim to test any knowledge of law you may already possess. Problem 1 Rules A. Whoever intending to take any moveable property out of the possession of any person, without that person's consent, moves that property out of his or her possession, is said to commit theft. B. A person who, without lawful excuse, damages any property belonging to another intending to damage any such property shall be guilty of causing criminal damage. C. Damage means any impairment of the value of a property. Facts Veena, an old lady of 78 yr, used to live with her granddaughter Indira. Veena was ill and therefore bed-ridden for several months. In those months, she could not tolerate any noise and it became quite difficult to clean her room. After she aied, Indira hired a cleaner, Lucky, to clean the room and* throw away any rubbish that may be there. There was a pile of old newspapers which Veena had stacked in a corner other room. Lucky asked Indira if he should clear away the pile of old newspapers, to which she said yes. Lucky took the pile to a municipality rubbish dump. While Lucky was sorting and throwing away the newspapers, he was very surprised to find a beautiful painting in between two sheets of paper. He thought that Indira probably wouldn't want this old painting back, especially because it was torn in several places and the colour was fading. He took the painting home, mounted it on a wooden frame and hung it on the wall of his bedroom. Unknown to him, the painting was an old masterpiece, and worth twenty thousand rupees. Before mounting the painting. Lucky pasted it on a plain sheet of paper so that it does not tear any more. By doing so, he made its professional restoration very difficult and thereby reduced its value by half. Lucky's neighbor Kamala discovered that the painting P belonged to Indira. With the motive of returning the painting to Indira, Kamala climbed through an open window into Lucky's room when he was away one afternoon and removed the painting from his house. |
In answering the following questions, you should not rely on any rule(s) except the rule(s) that are supplied for every problem. Further, you should not assume, any fact other than those stated in the problem. The aim is to test your ability to properly apply a rule to a given set of facts, even when the result is absurd or unacceptable for any other reason. It is not the aim to test any knowledge of law you may already possess. Problem 1 Rules A. Whoever intending to take any moveable property out of the possession of any person, without that person's consent, moves that property out of his or her possession, is said to commit theft. B. A person who, without lawful excuse, damages any property belonging to another intending to damage any such property shall be guilty of causing criminal damage. C. Damage means any impairment of the value of a property. Facts Veena, an old lady of 78 yr, used to live with her granddaughter Indira. Veena was ill and therefore bed-ridden for several months. In those months, she could not tolerate any noise and it became quite difficult to clean her room. After she aied, Indira hired a cleaner, Lucky, to clean the room and* throw away any rubbish that may be there. There was a pile of old newspapers which Veena had stacked in a corner other room. Lucky asked Indira if he should clear away the pile of old newspapers, to which she said yes. Lucky took the pile to a municipality rubbish dump. While Lucky was sorting and throwing away the newspapers, he was very surprised to find a beautiful painting in between two sheets of paper. He thought that Indira probably wouldn't want this old painting back, especially because it was torn in several places and the colour was fading. He took the painting home, mounted it on a wooden frame and hung it on the wall of his bedroom. Unknown to him, the painting was an old masterpiece, and worth twenty thousand rupees. Before mounting the painting. Lucky pasted it on a plain sheet of paper so that it does not tear any more. By doing so, he made its professional restoration very difficult and thereby reduced its value by half. Lucky's neighbor Kamala discovered that the painting P belonged to Indira. With the motive of returning the painting to Indira, Kamala climbed through an open window into Lucky's room when he was away one afternoon and removed the painting from his house. |
Problem 2 Rules When land is sold, all 'fixtures' on the land are also deemed to have been sold. B. If a moveable thing is attached to the land or any building on the land, then it becomes a 'fixture'. Facts Khaleeda wants to sell a plot of land she owns in Baghmara, Meghalaya and the sale value decided for the plot includes the fully furnished palatial six bedroom house that she has built on it five years ago. She sells it to Gurpreet for sixty lakh rupees. After completing the sale, she removes the expensive Iranian carpet which used to cover the entire wooden floor of one of the bedrooms. The room had very little light and Khaleeda used this light coloured radiant carpet to negate some of the darkness in the room. Gurpreet, after moving in, realizes this and files a case to recover the carpet from Khaleeda. |
Problem 2 Rules When land is sold, all 'fixtures' on the land are also deemed to have been sold. B. If a moveable thing is attached to the land or any building on the land, then it becomes a 'fixture'. Facts Khaleeda wants to sell a plot of land she owns in Baghmara, Meghalaya and the sale value decided for the plot includes the fully furnished palatial six bedroom house that she has built on it five years ago. She sells it to Gurpreet for sixty lakh rupees. After completing the sale, she removes the expensive Iranian carpet which used to cover the entire wooden floor of one of the bedrooms. The room had very little light and Khaleeda used this light coloured radiant carpet to negate some of the darkness in the room. Gurpreet, after moving in, realizes this and files a case to recover the carpet from Khaleeda. |
Problem 2 Rules When land is sold, all 'fixtures' on the land are also deemed to have been sold. B. If a moveable thing is attached to the land or any building on the land, then it becomes a 'fixture'. Facts Khaleeda wants to sell a plot of land she owns in Baghmara, Meghalaya and the sale value decided for the plot includes the fully furnished palatial six bedroom house that she has built on it five years ago. She sells it to Gurpreet for sixty lakh rupees. After completing the sale, she removes the expensive Iranian carpet which used to cover the entire wooden floor of one of the bedrooms. The room had very little light and Khaleeda used this light coloured radiant carpet to negate some of the darkness in the room. Gurpreet, after moving in, realizes this and files a case to recover the carpet from Khaleeda. |
Amongst the following options, the most relevant consideration while deciding a case on the basis of the above two principles would be |
Problem 2 Rules When land is sold, all 'fixtures' on the land are also deemed to have been sold. B. If a moveable thing is attached to the land or any building on the land, then it becomes a 'fixture'. Facts Khaleeda wants to sell a plot of land she owns in Baghmara, Meghalaya and the sale value decided for the plot includes the fully furnished palatial six bedroom house that she has built on it five years ago. She sells it to Gurpreet for sixty lakh rupees. After completing the sale, she removes the expensive Iranian carpet which used to cover the entire wooden floor of one of the bedrooms. The room had very little light and Khaleeda used this light coloured radiant carpet to negate some of the darkness in the room. Gurpreet, after moving in, realizes this and files a case to recover the carpet from Khaleeda. |
Rule C If a moveable thing is placed on land with the intention that it should become an integral part of the land or any structure on the land it becomes a fixture. |
Applying Rules A and C, to the fact situations in Questions 161 and 162, as a judge you would decide in favour of |
Problem 3 Rule A. An owner of land has the right to use the land in any manner he or she desires. The owner of land also owns the space above and the depths below it B. Rights above the land extend only to the point they are essential to any use or enjoyment of land C. An owner cannot claim infringement of her property right if the space above his or her land is put to reasonable use by someone else at a height at which the owner would have no reasonable use of it and it does not affect the reasonable enjoyment of his or her land Ramesh's case Ramesh owns an acre of land on the outskirts of Sullurpeta, Andhra Pradesh. The Government of India launches its satellites into space frequently from Sriharikota, near Sullurpeta. The Government of India does not deny that once the satellite launch has travelled the distance of almost 7000 km it passes over Ramesh's property. Ramesh files a case claiming that the Government of India has violated his property rights by routing its satellite over his property, albeit 7000 km directly above it. |
Problem 3 Rule A. An owner of land has the right to use the land in any manner he or she desires. The owner of land also owns the space above and the depths below it B. Rights above the land extend only to the point they are essential to any use or enjoyment of land C. An owner cannot claim infringement of her property right if the space above his or her land is put to reasonable use by someone else at a height at which the owner would have no reasonable use of it and it does not affect the reasonable enjoyment of his or her land Ramesh's case Ramesh owns an acre of land on the outskirts of Sullurpeta, Andhra Pradesh. The Government of India launches its satellites into space frequently from Sriharikota, near Sullurpeta. The Government of India does not deny that once the satellite launch has travelled the distance of almost 7000 km it passes over Ramesh's property. Ramesh files a case claiming that the Government of India has violated his property rights by routing its satellite over his property, albeit 7000 km directly above it. |
Problem 3 Rule A. An owner of land has the right to use the land in any manner he or she desires. The owner of land also owns the space above and the depths below it B. Rights above the land extend only to the point they are essential to any use or enjoyment of land C. An owner cannot claim infringement of her property right if the space above his or her land is put to reasonable use by someone else at a height at which the owner would have no reasonable use of it and it does not affect the reasonable enjoyment of his or her land Ramesh's case Ramesh owns an acre of land on the outskirts of Sullurpeta, Andhra Pradesh. The Government of India launches its satellites into space frequently from Sriharikota, near Sullurpeta. The Government of India does not deny that once the satellite launch has travelled the distance of almost 7000 km it passes over Ramesh's property. Ramesh files a case claiming that the Government of India has violated his property rights by routing its satellite over his property, albeit 7000 km directly above it. |
Problem 3 Rule A. An owner of land has the right to use the land in any manner he or she desires. The owner of land also owns the space above and the depths below it B. Rights above the land extend only to the point they are essential to any use or enjoyment of land C. An owner cannot claim infringement of her property right if the space above his or her land is put to reasonable use by someone else at a height at which the owner would have no reasonable use of it and it does not affect the reasonable enjoyment of his or her land Ramesh's case Ramesh owns an acre of land on the outskirts of Sullurpeta, Andhra Pradesh. The Government of India launches its satellites into space frequently from Sriharikota, near Sullurpeta. The Government of India does not deny that once the satellite launch has travelled the distance of almost 7000 km it passes over Ramesh's property. Ramesh files a case claiming that the Government of India has violated his property rights by routing its satellite over his property, albeit 7000 km directly above it. |
Problem 3 Rule A. An owner of land has the right to use the land in any manner he or she desires. The owner of land also owns the space above and the depths below it B. Rights above the land extend only to the point they are essential to any use or enjoyment of land C. An owner cannot claim infringement of her property right if the space above his or her land is put to reasonable use by someone else at a height at which the owner would have no reasonable use of it and it does not affect the reasonable enjoyment of his or her land Ramesh's case Ramesh owns an acre of land on the outskirts of Sullurpeta, Andhra Pradesh. The Government of India launches its satellites into space frequently from Sriharikota, near Sullurpeta. The Government of India does not deny that once the satellite launch has travelled the distance of almost 7000 km it passes over Ramesh's property. Ramesh files a case claiming that the Government of India has violated his property rights by routing its satellite over his property, albeit 7000 km directly above it. |
Problem 4 Rules A. The fundamental right to freedom of association includes the right to form an association as well as not join an association. B. The fundamental right to freedom of association also includes the freedom to decide with whom to associate. C. The fundamental right to freedom of association does not extend to the right to realize the objectives of forming the association. D. Fundamental rights are applicable only to laws made by or administrative actions of the State and do not apply to actions of private persons. E. Any law in contravention of fundamental rights is unconstitutional and therefore cannot bind any person. Facts Gajodhar Pharmaceuticals, a private company, offered an employment contract of two years to Syed Monirul Alam. One of the clauses in the employment contract provided that Syed Monirul Alam must join Gajodhar Mazdoor Sangh (GMS), one of the trade unions active in Gajodhar Pharmaceuticals. |
Decide which of the following propositions can be most reasonably inferred through the application of the stated legal principles to the facts of this case. |
Problem 4 Rules A. The fundamental right to freedom of association includes the right to form an association as well as not join an association. B. The fundamental right to freedom of association also includes the freedom to decide with whom to associate. C. The fundamental right to freedom of association does not extend to the right to realize the objectives of forming the association. D. Fundamental rights are applicable only to laws made by or administrative actions of the State and do not apply to actions of private persons. E. Any law in contravention of fundamental rights is unconstitutional and therefore cannot bind any person. Facts Gajodhar Pharmaceuticals, a private company, offered an employment contract of two years to Syed Monirul Alam. One of the clauses in the employment contract provided that Syed Monirul Alam must join Gajodhar Mazdoor Sangh (GMS), one of the trade unions active in Gajodhar Pharmaceuticals. |
If Parliament enacts a law which requires every employee to join the largest trade union in their workplace mandating Syed Monirul Alam to join GMS, then |
Problem 4 Rules A. The fundamental right to freedom of association includes the right to form an association as well as not join an association. B. The fundamental right to freedom of association also includes the freedom to decide with whom to associate. C. The fundamental right to freedom of association does not extend to the right to realize the objectives of forming the association. D. Fundamental rights are applicable only to laws made by or administrative actions of the State and do not apply to actions of private persons. E. Any law in contravention of fundamental rights is unconstitutional and therefore cannot bind any person. Facts Gajodhar Pharmaceuticals, a private company, offered an employment contract of two years to Syed Monirul Alam. One of the clauses in the employment contract provided that Syed Monirul Alam must join Gajodhar Mazdoor Sangh (GMS), one of the trade unions active in Gajodhar Pharmaceuticals. |
Problem 4 Rules A. The fundamental right to freedom of association includes the right to form an association as well as not join an association. B. The fundamental right to freedom of association also includes the freedom to decide with whom to associate. C. The fundamental right to freedom of association does not extend to the right to realize the objectives of forming the association. D. Fundamental rights are applicable only to laws made by or administrative actions of the State and do not apply to actions of private persons. E. Any law in contravention of fundamental rights is unconstitutional and therefore cannot bind any person. Facts Gajodhar Pharmaceuticals, a private company, offered an employment contract of two years to Syed Monirul Alam. One of the clauses in the employment contract provided that Syed Monirul Alam must join Gajodhar Mazdoor Sangh (GMS), one of the trade unions active in Gajodhar Pharmaceuticals. |
Problem 4 Rules A. The fundamental right to freedom of association includes the right to form an association as well as not join an association. B. The fundamental right to freedom of association also includes the freedom to decide with whom to associate. C. The fundamental right to freedom of association does not extend to the right to realize the objectives of forming the association. D. Fundamental rights are applicable only to laws made by or administrative actions of the State and do not apply to actions of private persons. E. Any law in contravention of fundamental rights is unconstitutional and therefore cannot bind any person. Facts Gajodhar Pharmaceuticals, a private company, offered an employment contract of two years to Syed Monirul Alam. One of the clauses in the employment contract provided that Syed Monirul Alam must join Gajodhar Mazdoor Sangh (GMS), one of the trade unions active in Gajodhar Pharmaceuticals. |
If Parliament enacts a legislation prohibiting strikes by trade unions of employees engaged in pharmaceutical industry, then |
Problem 5 Rule Whoever finds an unattended object can keep it unless the true owner claims that object. This does not affect the property owner's right to the ownership of the property on which the object is found. The right to ownership of a property does not include the right to ownership of unattended objects on that property. Facts Elizabeth is the CEO of a global management services company in Chennai and is on her way to Ranchi to deliver the convocation address at India's leading business school on the outskirts of Ranchi. Flying business class on Dolphin Airlines, she is entitled to use the lounge owned by the airline in Chennai Airport while waiting for her flight. She finds a diamond ear-ring on the floor of the lounge and gives it to the staff of Dolphin Airlines expressly stating that in the event of nobody claiming the ear-ring within six months, she would claim it back. The airline sells the ear-ring after eight months and Elizabeth files a case to recover the value of the ear-ring from the airline when she is informed about its sale. |
Problem 5 Rule Whoever finds an unattended object can keep it unless the true owner claims that object. This does not affect the property owner's right to the ownership of the property on which the object is found. The right to ownership of a property does not include the right to ownership of unattended objects on that property. Facts Elizabeth is the CEO of a global management services company in Chennai and is on her way to Ranchi to deliver the convocation address at India's leading business school on the outskirts of Ranchi. Flying business class on Dolphin Airlines, she is entitled to use the lounge owned by the airline in Chennai Airport while waiting for her flight. She finds a diamond ear-ring on the floor of the lounge and gives it to the staff of Dolphin Airlines expressly stating that in the event of nobody claiming the ear-ring within six months, she would claim it back. The airline sells the ear-ring after eight months and Elizabeth files a case to recover the value of the ear-ring from the airline when she is informed about its sale. |
Assume now that Elizabeth was only an economy class passenger and was not entitled to use the airline's lounge. However, she manages to gain entry and finds the ear-ring in the lounge. The rest of the above facts remain the same. Will her illegal entry into the Lounge affect Elizabeth's right to keep the ear-ring (or be compensated for its value)? |
Problem 5 Rule Whoever finds an unattended object can keep it unless the true owner claims that object. This does not affect the property owner's right to the ownership of the property on which the object is found. The right to ownership of a property does not include the right to ownership of unattended objects on that property. Facts Elizabeth is the CEO of a global management services company in Chennai and is on her way to Ranchi to deliver the convocation address at India's leading business school on the outskirts of Ranchi. Flying business class on Dolphin Airlines, she is entitled to use the lounge owned by the airline in Chennai Airport while waiting for her flight. She finds a diamond ear-ring on the floor of the lounge and gives it to the staff of Dolphin Airlines expressly stating that in the event of nobody claiming the ear-ring within six months, she would claim it back. The airline sells the ear-ring after eight months and Elizabeth files a case to recover the value of the ear-ring from the airline when she is informed about its sale. |
To the original fact scenario, the following fact is added: In the lounge there are numerous signboards which proclaim 'Any unattended item will be confiscated by Dolphin Airlines'. In this case, you would |
Problem 6 Rules A. The State shall not discriminate, either directly or indirectly, on the grounds of sex, race, religion, caste, creed, sexual orientation, marital status, disability, pregnancy, place of birth, gender orientation or any other status. B. Direct discrimination occurs when for a reason related to one or more prohibited grounds a person or group of persons is treated less favourably than another person or another group of persons in a comparable situation. C. Indirect discrimination occurs when a provision, criterion or practice which is neutral on the face of it would have the effect of putting persons having a status or a characteristic associated with one or more prohibited grounds at a particular disadvantage compared with other persons. D. Discrimination shall be justified when such discrimination is absolutely necessary in order to promote the well being of disadvantaged groups, such as women, dalits, religious minorities, sexual minorities or disabled persons. Facts On 2nd October 2010, the Governor of the State of Bihar ordered the release of all women prisoners who were serving sentence of less than one year imprisonment to mark the occasion of Mahatma Gandhi's birthday. |
Which of the following is correct with respect to the Governor's order? |
Problem 6 Rules A. The State shall not discriminate, either directly or indirectly, on the grounds of sex, race, religion, caste, creed, sexual orientation, marital status, disability, pregnancy, place of birth, gender orientation or any other status. B. Direct discrimination occurs when for a reason related to one or more prohibited grounds a person or group of persons is treated less favorably than another person or another group of persons in a comparable situation. C. Indirect discrimination occurs when a provision, criterion or practice which is neutral on the face of it would have the effect of putting persons having a status or a characteristic associated with one or more prohibited grounds at a particular disadvantage compared with other persons. D. Discrimination shall be justified when such discrimination is absolutely necessary in order to promote the well being of disadvantaged groups, such as women, dalits, religious minorities, sexual minorities or disabled persons. Facts On 2nd October 2010, the Governor of the State of Bihar ordered the release of all women prisoners who were serving sentence of less than one year imprisonment to mark the occasion of Mahatma Gandhi's birthday. |
Problem 6 Rules A. The State shall not discriminate, either directly or indirectly, on the grounds of sex, race, religion, caste, creed, sexual orientation, marital status, disability, pregnancy, place of birth, gender orientation or any other status. B. Direct discrimination occurs when for a reason related to one or more prohibited grounds a person or group of persons is treated less favourably than another person or another group of persons in a comparable situation. C. Indirect discrimination occurs when a provision, criterion or practice which is neutral on the face of it would have the effect of putting persons having a status or a characteristic associated with one or more prohibited grounds at a particular disadvantage compared with other persons. D. Discrimination shall be justified when such discrimination is absolutely necessary in order to promote the well being of disadvantaged groups, such as women, dalits, religious minorities, sexual minorities or disabled persons. Facts On 2nd October 2010, the Governor of the State of Bihar ordered the release of all women prisoners who were serving sentence of less than one year imprisonment to mark the occasion of Mahatma Gandhi's birthday. |
Assume that the Governor also made a second order requiring the release of all persons under the age of 25 and over the age of 65 who were serving a sentence of less than one year's imprisonment. Under the Rules, this order is |
Problem 6 Rules A. The State shall not discriminate, either directly or indirectly, on the grounds of sex, race, religion, caste, creed, sexual orientation, marital status, disability, pregnancy, place of birth, gender orientation or any other status. B. Direct discrimination occurs when for a reason related to one or more prohibited grounds a person or group of persons is treated less favourably than another person or another group of persons in a comparable situation. C. Indirect discrimination occurs when a provision, criterion or practice which is neutral on the face of it would have the effect of putting persons having a status or a characteristic associated with one or more prohibited grounds at a particular disadvantage compared with other persons. D. Discrimination shall be justified when such discrimination is absolutely necessary in order to promote the well being of disadvantaged groups, such as women, dalits, religious minorities, sexual minorities or disabled persons. Facts On 2nd October 2010, the Governor of the State of Bihar ordered the release of all women prisoners who were serving sentence of less than one year imprisonment to mark the occasion of Mahatma Gandhi's birthday. |
Assume further that the government made a third order, releasing all graduate prisoners who are serving a sentence of less than one year's imprisonment. Which of the following statistics would have to be true for this order to be indirectly discriminatory? |
Problem 6 Rules A. The State shall not discriminate, either directly or indirectly, on the grounds of sex, race, religion, caste, creed, sexual orientation, marital status, disability, pregnancy, place of birth, gender orientation or any other status. B. Direct discrimination occurs when for a reason related to one or more prohibited grounds a person or group of persons is treated less favourably than another person or another group of persons in a comparable situation. C. Indirect discrimination occurs when a provision, criterion or practice which is neutral on the face of it would have the effect of putting persons having a status or a characteristic associated with one or more prohibited grounds at a particular disadvantage compared with other persons. D. Discrimination shall be justified when such discrimination is absolutely necessary in order to promote the well being of disadvantaged groups, such as women, dalits, religious minorities, sexual minorities or disabled persons. Facts On 2nd October 2010, the Governor of the State of Bihar ordered the release of all women prisoners who were serving sentence of less than one year imprisonment to mark the occasion of Mahatma Gandhi's birthday. |
Problem 7 Rules A. A minor is a person who is below the age of eighteen. However, where a guardian administers the minor's property the age of majority is twenty one. B. A minor is not permitted by law to enter into a contract. Hence, where a minor enters into a contract with a major person, the contract is not enforceable. This effectively means that neither the minor nor the other party can make any claim on the basis of the contract. E C. In a contract with a minor, if the other party hands over I any money or confers any other benefit on the minor, the same shall not be recoverable from the minor unless the other party was deceived by the minor to hand over money or any other benefit. The other party will have to show that the minor misrepresented her age, he was ignorant about the age of the minor and that he handed over the benefit on the basis of such representation. Facts Ajay convinces Bandita, a girl aged 18 that she should sell her land to him. Bandita's mother Chaaru is her guardian. Nonetheless Bandita, without the permission of Chaaru, sells the land to Ajay for a total sum of rupees fifty lac, paid in full and final settlement of the price. Chaaru challenges this transaction claiming that Bandita is at minor and hence the possession of the land shall not be given to Ajay. Thus, Ajay is in a difficult situation and has no idea how to recover his money from Bandita. |
Problem 7 Rules A. A minor is a person who is below the age of eighteen. However, where a guardian administers the minor's property the age of majority is twenty one. B. A minor is not permitted by law to enter into a contract. Hence, where a minor enters into a contract with a major person, the contract is not enforceable. This effectively means that neither the minor nor the other party can make any claim on the basis of the contract. E C. In a contract with a minor, if the other party hands over I any money or confers any other benefit on the minor, the same shall not be recoverable from the minor unless the other party was deceived by the minor to hand over money or any other benefit. The other party will have to show that the minor misrepresented her age, he was ignorant about the age of the minor and that he handed over the benefit on the basis of such representation. Facts Ajay convinces Bandita, a girl aged 18 that she should sell her land to him. Bandita's mother Chaaru is her guardian. Nonetheless Bandita, without the permission of Chaaru, sells the land to Ajay for a total sum of rupees fifty lac, paid in full and final settlement of the price. Chaaru challenges this transaction claiming that Bandita is at minor and hence the possession of the land shall not be given to Ajay. Thus, Ajay is in a difficult situation and has no idea how to recover his money from Bandita. |
Problem 7 Rules A. A minor is a person who is below the age of eighteen. However, where a guardian administers the minor's property the age of majority is twenty one. B. A minor is not permitted by law to enter into a contract. Hence, where a minor enters into a contract with a major person, the contract is not enforceable. This effectively means that neither the minor nor the other party can make any claim on the basis of the contract. E C. In a contract with a minor, if the other party hands over I any money or confers any other benefit on the minor, the same shall not be recoverable from the minor unless the other party was deceived by the minor to hand over money or any other benefit. The other party will have to show that the minor misrepresented her age, he was ignorant about the age of the minor and that he handed over the benefit on the basis of such representation. Facts Ajay convinces Bandita, a girl aged 18 that she should sell her land to him. Bandita's mother Chaaru is her guardian. Nonetheless Bandita, without the permission of Chaaru, sells the land to Ajay for a total sum of rupees fifty lac, paid in full and final settlement of the price. Chaaru challenges this transaction claiming that Bandita is at minor and hence the possession of the land shall not be given to Ajay. Thus, Ajay is in a difficult situation and has no idea how to recover his money from Bandita. |
Problem 7 Rules A. A minor is a person who is below the age of eighteen. However, where a guardian administers the minor's property the age of majority is twenty one. B. A minor is not permitted by law to enter into a contract. Hence, where a minor enters into a contract with a major person, the contract is not enforceable. This effectively means that neither the minor nor the other party can make any claim on the basis of the contract. E C. In a contract with a minor, if the other party hands over I any money or confers any other benefit on the minor, the same shall not be recoverable from the minor unless the other party was deceived by the minor to hand over money or any other benefit. The other party will have to show that the minor misrepresented her age, he was ignorant about the age of the minor and that he handed over the benefit on the basis of such representation. Facts Ajay convinces Bandita, a girl aged 18 that she should sell her land to him. Bandita's mother Chaaru is her guardian. Nonetheless Bandita, without the permission of Chaaru, sells the land to Ajay for a total sum of rupees fifty lac, paid in full and final settlement of the price. Chaaru challenges this transaction claiming that Bandita is at minor and hence the possession of the land shall not be given to Ajay. Thus, Ajay is in a difficult situation and has no idea how to recover his money from Bandita. |
Problem 7 Rules A. A minor is a person who is below the age of eighteen. However, where a guardian administers the minor's property the age of majority is twenty one. B. A minor is not permitted by law to enter into a contract. Hence, where a minor enters into a contract with a major person, the contract is not enforceable. This effectively means that neither the minor nor the other party can make any claim on the basis of the contract. E C. In a contract with a minor, if the other party hands over I any money or confers any other benefit on the minor, the same shall not be recoverable from the minor unless the other party was deceived by the minor to hand over money or any other benefit. The other party will have to show that the minor misrepresented her age, he was ignorant about the age of the minor and that he handed over the benefit on the basis of such representation. Facts Ajay convinces Bandita, a girl aged 18 that she should sell her land to him. Bandita's mother Chaaru is her guardian. Nonetheless Bandita, without the permission of Chaaru, sells the land to Ajay for a total sum of rupees fifty lac, paid in full and final settlement of the price. Chaaru challenges this transaction claiming that Bandita is at minor and hence the possession of the land shall not be given to Ajay. Thus, Ajay is in a difficult situation and has no idea how to recover his money from Bandita. |
Problem 8 Rules A. The act of using threats to force another person to enter into a contract is called coercion. B. The act of using influence on another and taking undue advantage of that person is called undue influence. C. In order to prove coercion, the existence of the use of threat, in any form and manner, is necessary. If coercion is proved, the person who has been so threatened can refuse to abide by such contract. D. In order to prove undue-influence, there has to be a pre-existing relationship between the parties to a contract. The relationship has to be of such a nature that one is in a position to influence the other. If it is proven that there has been undue influence, the party who has been so influenced need not enforce the contract or perform his obligations under the contract. Facts Aadil and Baalu are best friends. Aadil is the son of multi millionaire business person, Chulbul who owns Maakhan Pharmaceuticals. Baalu is the son of a bank employee, Dhanraj. One day, Aadil is abducted from his office by Baalu. Chulbul receives a phone call from Dhanraj telling him that if he does not make Baalu the CEO of Maakhan Pharmaceuticals, Aadil will be killed. Chulbul reluctantly agrees to do the same. Subsequently Chulbul and Baalu sign an employment contract. However, as soon as Aadil is released and safely returns home, Chulbul tells Baalu that he shall not enforce the employment contract. Baalu and Dhanraj are not sure as to what is to be done next. |
Problem 8 Rules A. The act of using threats to force another person to enter into a contract is called coercion. B. The act of using influence on another and taking undue advantage of that person is called undue influence. C. In order to prove coercion, the existence of the use of threat, in any form and manner, is necessary. If coercion is proved, the person who has been so threatened can refuse to abide by such contract. D. In order to prove undue-influence, there has to be a pre-existing relationship between the parties to a contract. The relationship has to be of such a nature that one is in a position to influence the other. If it is proven that there has been undue influence, the party who has been so influenced need not enforce the contract or perform his obligations under the contract. Facts Aadil and Baalu are best friends. Aadil is the son of multi millionaire business person, Chulbul who owns Maakhan Pharmaceuticals. Baalu is the son of a bank employee, Dhanraj. One day, Aadil is abducted from his office by Baalu. Chulbul receives a phone call from Dhanraj telling him that if he does not make Baalu the CEO of Maakhan Pharmaceuticals, Aadil will be killed. Chulbul reluctantly agrees to do the same. Subsequently Chulbul and Baalu sign an employment contract. However, as soon as Aadil is released and safely returns home, Chulbul tells Baalu that he shall not enforce the employment contract. Baalu and Dhanraj are not sure as to what is to be done next. |
Problem 8 Rules A. The act of using threats to force another person to enter into a contract is called coercion. B. The act of using influence on another and taking undue advantage of that person is called undue influence. C. In order to prove coercion, the existence of the use of threat, in any form and manner, is necessary. If coercion is proved, the person who has been so threatened can refuse to abide by such contract. D. In order to prove undue-influence, there has to be a pre-existing relationship between the parties to a contract. The relationship has to be of such a nature that one is in a position to influence the other. If it is proven that there has been undue influence, the party who has been so influenced need not enforce the contract or perform his obligations under the contract. Facts Aadil and Baalu are best friends. Aadil is the son of multi millionaire business person, Chulbul who owns Maakhan Pharmaceuticals. Baalu is the son of a bank employee, Dhanraj. One day, Aadil is abducted from his office by Baalu. Chulbul receives a phone call from Dhanraj telling him that if he does not make Baalu the CEO of Maakhan Pharmaceuticals, Aadil will be killed. Chulbul reluctantly agrees to do the same. Subsequently Chulbul and Baalu sign an employment contract. However, as soon as Aadil is released and safely returns home, Chulbul tells Baalu that he shall not enforce the employment contract. Baalu and Dhanraj are not sure as to what is to be done next. |
Problem 8 Rules A. The act of using threats to force another person to enter into a contract is called coercion. B. The act of using influence on another and taking undue advantage of that person is called undue influence. C. In order to prove coercion, the existence of the use of threat, in any form and manner, is necessary. If coercion is proved, the person who has been so threatened can refuse to abide by such contract. D. In order to prove undue-influence, there has to be a pre-existing relationship between the parties to a contract. The relationship has to be of such a nature that one is in a position to influence the other. If it is proven that there has been undue influence, the party who has been so influenced need not enforce the contract or perform his obligations under the contract. Facts Aadil and Baalu are best friends. Aadil is the son of multi millionaire business person, Chulbul who owns Maakhan Pharmaceuticals. Baalu is the son of a bank employee, Dhanraj. One day, Aadil is abducted from his office by Baalu. Chulbul receives a phone call from Dhanraj telling him that if he does not make Baalu the CEO of Maakhan Pharmaceuticals, Aadil will be killed. Chulbul reluctantly agrees to do the same. Subsequently Chulbul and Baalu sign an employment contract. However, as soon as Aadil is released and safely returns home, Chulbul tells Baalu that he shall not enforce the employment contract. Baalu and Dhanraj are not sure as to what is to be done next. |
Problem 9 Rule A. When a State undertakes any measure, the effects of the measure have to be the same for all those who are affected by it. Facts 100 mountaineers embarked on an extremely risky climbing expedition in Leh. Weather conditions worsened five days into the expedition and the mountaineers are trapped under heavy snow. The government received information of this tragedy only two weeks after the unfortunate incident and has only 24 h in which to send rescue helicopters. Weather stations across the world confirm that this particular region of Leh will experience blizzards of unprecedented intensity for almost two weeks after this 24 h window rendering any helicopter activity in the region impossible and certain death for anyone left behind. The government has only five rescue helicopters with a maximum capacity of 50 people (excluding pilots and requisite soldiers) and these helicopters can fly only once in 24 h to such altitudes. As the Air Force gets ready to send the helicopters, an emergency hearing is convened in the Supreme Court to challenge this measure as this would leave 50 people to die. |
Problem 9 Rule A. When a State undertakes any measure, the effects of the measure have to be the same for all those who are affected by it. Facts 100 mountaineers embarked on an extremely risky climbing expedition in Leh. Weather conditions worsened five days into the expedition and the mountaineers are trapped under heavy snow. The government received information of this tragedy only two weeks after the unfortunate incident and has only 24 h in which to send rescue helicopters. Weather stations across the world confirm that this particular region of Leh will experience blizzards of unprecedented intensity for almost two weeks after this 24 h window rendering any helicopter activity in the region impossible and certain death for anyone left behind. The government has only five rescue helicopters with a maximum capacity of 50 people (excluding pilots and requisite soldiers) and these helicopters can fly only once in 24 h to such altitudes. As the Air Force gets ready to send the helicopters, an emergency hearing is convened in the Supreme Court to challenge this measure as this would leave 50 people to die. |
Problem 9 Rule A. When a State undertakes any measure, the effects of the measure have to be the same for all those who are affected by it. Facts 100 mountaineers embarked on an extremely risky climbing expedition in Leh. Weather conditions worsened five days into the expedition and the mountaineers are trapped under heavy snow. The government received information of this tragedy only two weeks after the unfortunate incident and has only 24 h in which to send rescue helicopters. Weather stations across the world confirm that this particular region of Leh will experience blizzards of unprecedented intensity for almost two weeks after this 24 h window rendering any helicopter activity in the region impossible and certain death for anyone left behind. The government has only five rescue helicopters with a maximum capacity of 50 people (excluding pilots and requisite soldiers) and these helicopters can fly only once in 24 h to such altitudes. As the Air Force gets ready to send the helicopters, an emergency hearing is convened in the Supreme Court to challenge this measure as this would leave 50 people to die. |
Problem 9 Rule A. When a State undertakes any measure, the effects of the measure have to be the same for all those who are affected by it. Facts 100 mountaineers embarked on an extremely risky climbing expedition in Leh. Weather conditions worsened five days into the expedition and the mountaineers are trapped under heavy snow. The government received information of this tragedy only two weeks after the unfortunate incident and has only 24 h in which to send rescue helicopters. Weather stations across the world confirm that this particular region of Leh will experience blizzards of unprecedented intensity for almost two weeks after this 24 h window rendering any helicopter activity in the region impossible and certain death for anyone left behind. The government has only five rescue helicopters with a maximum capacity of 50 people (excluding pilots and requisite soldiers) and these helicopters can fly only once in 24 h to such altitudes. As the Air Force gets ready to send the helicopters, an emergency hearing is convened in the Supreme Court to challenge this measure as this would leave 50 people to die. |
Problem 10 Rules A. A person is an employee of another if the mode and the manner in which he or she carries out his work is subject to control and supervision of the latter. B. An employer is required to provide compensation to his or her employees for any injury caused by an accident arising in the course of employment. The words 'in the course of the employment' mean in the course of the work which the employee is contracted to do and which is incidental to it, Facts Messrs. Zafar Abidi & Co. (Company) manufactures bidis with the help of persons known as 'pattadars'. The pattadars are supplied tobacco and leaves by the Company and are required to roll them into bidis and bring the bidis back to the Company. The pattadars are free to roll the bidis either in the factory or anywhere else they prefer. They are not bound to attend the factory for any fixed hours of work or for any fixed number of days. Neither are they required to roll up any fixed number of bidis. The Company verifies whether the bidis adhere to the specified instructions or not and pays the pattadars on the basis of the number of bidis that are found to be of right quality. Aashish Mathew is one of the pattadars of the Company. He was hit by a car just outside the precinct of the factory while he was heading to have lunch in a nearby food stall. Aashish Mathew has applied for compensation from the Company C |
Problem 10 Rules A. A person is an employee of another if the mode and the manner in which he or she carries out his work is subject to control and supervision of the latter. B. An employer is required to provide compensation to his or her employees for any injury caused by an accident arising in the course of employment. The words 'in the course of the employment' mean in the course of the work which the employee is contracted to do and which is incidental to it, Facts Messrs. Zafar Abidi & Co. (Company) manufactures bidis with the help of persons known as 'pattadars'. The pattadars are supplied tobacco and leaves by the Company and are required to roll them into bidis and bring the bidis back to the Company. The pattadars are free to roll the bidis either in the factory or anywhere else they prefer. They are not bound to attend the factory for any fixed hours of work or for any fixed number of days. Neither are they required to roll up any fixed number of bidis. The Company verifies whether the bidis adhere to the specified instructions or not and pays the pattadars on the basis of the number of bidis that are found to be of right quality. Aashish Mathew is one of the pattadars of the Company. He was hit by a car just outside the precinct of the factory while he was heading to have lunch in a nearby food stall. Aashish Mathew has applied for compensation from the Company C |
Problem 10 Rules A. A person is an employee of another if the mode and the manner in which he or she carries out his work is subject to control and supervision of the latter. B. An employer is required to provide compensation to his or her employees for any injury caused by an accident arising in the course of employment. The words 'in the course of the employment' mean in the course of the work which the employee is contracted to do and which is incidental to it, Facts Messrs. Zafar Abidi & Co. (Company) manufactures bidis with the help of persons known as 'pattadars'. The pattadars are supplied tobacco and leaves by the Company and are required to roll them into bidis and bring the bidis back to the Company. The pattadars are free to roll the bidis either in the factory or anywhere else they prefer. They are not bound to attend the factory for any fixed hours of work or for any fixed number of days. Neither are they required to roll up any fixed number of bidis. The Company verifies whether the bidis adhere to the specified instructions or not and pays the pattadars on the basis of the number of bidis that are found to be of right quality. Aashish Mathew is one of the pattadars of the Company. He was hit by a car just outside the precinct of the factory while he was heading to have lunch in a nearby food stall. Aashish Mathew has applied for compensation from the Company C |
Problem 10 Rules A. A person is an employee of another if the mode and the manner in which he or she carries out his work is subject to control and supervision of the latter. B. An employer is required to provide compensation to his or her employees for any injury caused by an accident arising in the course of employment. The words 'in the course of the employment' mean in the course of the work which the employee is contracted to do and which is incidental to it, Facts Messrs. Zafar Abidi & Co. (Company) manufactures bidis with the help of persons known as 'pattadars'. The pattadars are supplied tobacco and leaves by the Company and are required to roll them into bidis and bring the bidis back to the Company. The pattadars are free to roll the bidis either in the factory or anywhere else they prefer. They are not bound to attend the factory for any fixed hours of work or for any fixed number of days. Neither are they required to roll up any fixed number of bidis. The Company verifies whether the bidis adhere to the specified instructions or not and pays the pattadars on the basis of the number of bidis that are found to be of right quality. Aashish Mathew is one of the pattadars of the Company. He was hit by a car just outside the precinct of the factory while he was heading to have lunch in a nearby food stall. Aashish Mathew has applied for compensation from the Company C |
Principle Whoever, having been captured by the enemy or made a prisoner of war, voluntarily serves or aids the enemy shall be punished with death. |
Facts John is a Jawan in the Indian Army. During the 1971 war, he was captured by the Pakistani forces. While a prisoner he is tortured and made to divulge the positions of the Indian Army. Due to this information, Pakistani Air Force attacked Indian positions causing extensive damage to life and property. After India's victory, the Pakistani forces surrender the Indian Prisoners of War which includes John. Is John liable to a sentence of death? |
Problem 10 Rules A. A person is an employee of another if the mode and the manner in which he or she carries out his work is subject to control and supervision of the latter. B. An employer is required to provide compensation to his or her employees for any injury caused by an accident arising in the course of employment. The words 'in the course of the employment' mean in the course of the work which the employee is contracted to do and which is incidental to it, Facts Messrs. Zafar Abidi & Co. (Company) manufactures bidis with the help of persons known as 'pattadars'. The pattadars are supplied tobacco and leaves by the Company and are required to roll them into bidis and bring the bidis back to the Company. The pattadars are free to roll the bidis either in the factory or anywhere else they prefer. They are not bound to attend the factory for any fixed hours of work or for any fixed number of days. Neither are they required to roll up any fixed number of bidis. The Company verifies whether the bidis adhere to the specified instructions or not and pays the patters on the basis of the number of bidis that are found to be of right quality. Aashish Mathew is one of the pattadars of the Company. He was hit by a car just outside the precinct of the factory while he was heading to have lunch in a nearby food stall. Aashish Mathew has applied for compensation from the Company C |
Principle A careless person becomes liable for his negligence when he owed a duty of care to others. |
Factual Situation As the bus was leaving the platform, Kashish rushed and boarded the bus keeping the door open. Ashish, who was standing at the edge of the platform, was hit by the door of the moving bus and injured. Aashish claims compensation from Kashish. |
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