question_answer

Explain the changes reflected in the history of urban centres in India during the 18th century with special reference to network of trade.

Or

Explain the sources from which we can reconstruct the political career of Gandhiji and the history of the nationalist movement.

Answer:

During the 16th and 17th centuries the towns had a separate identity, remaining remote and distinct from the countryside, and being the hub of the imperial grandeur and centre of administration. With the ruler residing within a fortified region, medieval towns like Delhi and Agra became centres of power where artisans and craftsmen moved into offer services to the ruling elite. Most of the eminent mansabdars and jagirdars resided in the towns as it was a symbol of power and prestige. Hence, the surplus agricultural produce was moved in from the countryside to feed the urban markets and town dwellers. With the treasury stationed in the imperial towns, revenues travelled into these imperial centres. Hence, towns comprised bazaars, temples, mosques, educational institutions and thrived with activity.

With the decline of the Mughal regime, many of the medieval towns plunged into decadence. New regional powers emerged and with them arose new centres of authority like Seringapatam, Than-iavur, Hyderabad, Poona, Nagpur, Lucknow, Baraoda and so on. From- the old Mughal towns, traders, merchants and administrators now migrated to these new centres. Artisans and mercenaries flocked to me new settlements in hope of patronage and employment as owing to the severe tussle for power between the kingdoms, the newly developed urban centres were seats of constant warfare. Some members of the Mughal elite even bought qasbahs (small towns in the countryside) and ganjs (markets) to make new urban establishments.

With the European trading settlements gradually setting a firm hold in Panaji (Portuguese, 1510), Masulipatnam (the Dutch, 1605), Madras (British, 1639) and Pondicherry (French, 1673), with the increase of commercial activities, towns grew around these emerging centres. These places became important commercial centres. Generally being maritime centres, these places, distinct from the earlier land - based urban imperial capitals, aroused new commercial opportunities, mercantilism and capitalism thereby bringing in changes in the existing socio-economic trends. However, from mid-eighteenth century Masulipatnam, Surat and Dhaka witnessed a marked decline as the trading pattern shifted. In 1757 the British won the Battle of Plassey and set up its first political foothold. Along with this the English East India Company expanded its control as Calcutta, Bombay and Madras emerged as the new economic centres. Gradually as they expanded their sway over other parts of India, ousting the regional powers, these newly created commercial outposts grew in eminence. These centres gradually became important centres of colonial administration and political power.

To facilitate administrative requirements, new buildings and institutions were developed. The British rulers took upon themselves the task of rearranging urban spaces in new ways. With the development of educational institutions, new occupations emerged. A new elite educated bourgeoisie class emerged along with a new type of landed gentry and a trading class. People began to flock to these new centres for employment. The economic and social pattern of the earlier years witnessed a complete turnover. These new places became bustling commercial and administrative centres of a colonial regime. By 1800 these places developed into prominent cities.

Or

Several sources have been accessed to get an overview of Mahatma Gandhi?s political role and details about the unfolding of the nationalist movement. These include public speeches and private writings; autobiographies; articles and reports published in newspapers; and government records.

The most important point one needs to remember while studying the public-private documents is that one needs to see each of them in the right perspective and context. Public speeches delivered by Mahatma Gandhi and other nationalist and strategies. ?The letters written to Gandhi or by other politicians may convey their deep frustrations, personal prejudices and biases which are meant to be private expression. But there is no assurance that these private get printed. But, me language, used in these private correspondences, often implies a certain degree of awareness of the writer that they may be printed. In some cases these were done deliberately; as did Gandhi who published the letters written to him in his Journal Martian. Even Jawaharlal Nehru, published, a collection of letters written to him during the national movement in his edited and complied volume of A Bunch of Old Letters.

Autobiographies written, by nationalist leaders like Gandhi or Nehru provide us with a clear picture about the protagonists of the narrative in the light they would like to see themselves. Retrospective by nature, these accounts provide a detailed human account of the issues and events that the author would like to recount from memory it is important for one to remember that while using these as sources one needs to craftily identify those issues that the author might have avoided referring" the conscious and unconscious omissions.

Government records provide us -with the colonial interpretation of the nationalist movement in India. Letters and reports that the colonial administrators exchanged amongst themselves within closed, doors to keep a close vigilance on the movement have now been available. From these archival materials it becomes evident that these official accounts were often coloured, with racial bias and. with overtones of colonial supremacy over a mass of uncivilized natives. Thus the Fortnightly Reports on the Salt March mention that Gandhi?s act did not receive much response from die masses who paid little heed and were preoccupied in. running the daily chores and reluctant to rise against the British forces. In fact the truth was actually just the contrary and Gandhi had been able to arouse public sentiments and shape them into a voluntary movement against the British. The reports represented accounts in the manner the British rulers would be glad to see or what they were willing to believe.

Newspapers published political events and the activities, demonstrations and meeting Gandhi attended. The reports were published in several nationalist newspapers and periodicals in English as well as in the regional languages. However, these accounts cannot be considered completely reliable as they were often prejudiced, reflecting the opinion and world view of those who published them. As a result different ideas emerged from contexts in which the articles were published.