The highway stretched away in ruler straight perspective toward both horizons, black and shining in the sun like a river of ink. Beside it, the bright pastel buildings of Rest Stop 25 stood among the green trees. Occasionally a car shot past, a flash of metal and a hiss of split wind; but the road was one which was used more often at night, and was nearly empty in the afternoon. |
Sam was the only attendant on duty. Stop 25 needed only two human attendants, even at its busiest hours. He sat, staring out at the highway, his elbows on the lunch counter, his round face blank, but his mouth set tightly. The phone at his elbow emitted a small grunting noise. |
"You still there?" the phone voice said inquiringly. |
"Yeah." Sam said, still staring at the highway. |
"Well,..." The voice paused. Look, it might not come your way. It usually turns west at the New Britain intersection." |
"Not always. Sam said. It went by here once before." |
"It almost never stops, anyway," the voice said firmly. "It wont stop." |
"Some times it does", Sam said. |
"It doesnt have to." |
Sam shrugged and said nothing. |
"Okay, then," the voice said. "I called you about it, anyway." |
"Thanks." |
Sam turned away, still watching the road. |
Far off a speck of metal gleamed, growing larger. The distant high sound of brakes began, as a car decelerated, Coming toward the Stop. |
It was just an ordinary car, Sam told himself. That other car was still hundreds of miles away. But his hands were damp as he watched it grow larger. |
It was an ordinary Talman sedan, with two people in it. It swung into the Stops parking area, and its doors slid open smoothly. A small red light flashed on its arched front. The repair signal. In response the doors of the Repair shop opened. The Talman waited, as a man and a woman emerged from its padded interior and moved slowly into the Repair shop. The doors closed behind it. |
The couple came toward the restaurant, where Sam stood waiting. |
"Hi," the man said to Sam. |
"Afternoon." Sam moved to the counter. Something to eat while youre waiting, folks?" |
The tall, dark girl glanced out at the closed doors of the Repair shop. |
"How long's that car going to take?" she asked in a tired voice. "I wanted to get home tonight." |
"Not long," Sam said. "It didn't look like anything complicated." |
"How can you tell?" the man asked, sitting down. "It could take all night." |
"Like something to eat while youre waiting?" Sam asked. |
The woman stared at the lunch racks critically. |
"I never like these places to eat in, the woman said, curling her lip. You never know how long the food's been stored in the robot." |
The highway stretched away in ruler straight perspective toward both horizons, black and shining in the sun like a river of ink. Beside it, the bright pastel buildings of Rest Stop 25 stood among the green trees. Occasionally a car shot past, a flash of metal and a hiss of split wind; but the road was one which was used more often at night, and was nearly empty in the afternoon. |
Sam was the only attendant on duty. Stop 25 needed only two human attendants, even at its busiest hours. He sat, staring out at the highway, his elbows on the lunch counter, his round face blank, but his mouth set tightly. The phone at his elbow emitted a small grunting noise. |
"You still there?" the phone voice said inquiringly. |
"Yeah." Sam said, still staring at the highway. |
"Well,..." The voice paused. Look, it might not come your way. It usually turns west at the New Britain intersection." |
"Not always. Sam said. It went by here once before." |
"It almost never stops, anyway," the voice said firmly. "It wont stop." |
"Some times it does", Sam said. |
"It doesnt have to." |
Sam shrugged and said nothing. |
"Okay, then," the voice said. "I called you about it, anyway." |
"Thanks." |
Sam turned away, still watching the road. |
Far off a speck of metal gleamed, growing larger. The distant high sound of brakes began, as a car decelerated, Coming toward the Stop. |
It was just an ordinary car, Sam told himself. That other car was still hundreds of miles away. But his hands were damp as he watched it grow larger. |
It was an ordinary Talman sedan, with two people in it. It swung into the Stops parking area, and its doors slid open smoothly. A small red light flashed on its arched front. The repair signal. In response the doors of the Repair shop opened. The Talman waited, as a man and a woman emerged from its padded interior and moved slowly into the Repair shop. The doors closed behind it. |
The couple came toward the restaurant, where Sam stood waiting. |
"Hi," the man said to Sam. |
"Afternoon." Sam moved to the counter. Something to eat while youre waiting, folks?" |
The tall, dark girl glanced out at the closed doors of the Repair shop. |
"How long's that car going to take?" she asked in a tired voice. "I wanted to get home tonight." |
"Not long," Sam said. "It didn't look like anything complicated." |
"How can you tell?" the man asked, sitting down. "It could take all night." |
"Like something to eat while youre waiting?" Sam asked. |
The woman stared at the lunch racks critically. |
"I never like these places to eat in, the woman said, curling her lip. You never know how long the food's been stored in the robot." |
The highway stretched away in ruler straight perspective toward both horizons, black and shining in the sun like a river of ink. Beside it, the bright pastel buildings of Rest Stop 25 stood among the green trees. Occasionally a car shot past, a flash of metal and a hiss of split wind; but the road was one which was used more often at night, and was nearly empty in the afternoon. |
Sam was the only attendant on duty. Stop 25 needed only two human attendants, even at its busiest hours. He sat, staring out at the highway, his elbows on the lunch counter, his round face blank, but his mouth set tightly. The phone at his elbow emitted a small grunting noise. |
"You still there?" the phone voice said inquiringly. |
"Yeah." Sam said, still staring at the highway. |
"Well,..." The voice paused. Look, it might not come your way. It usually turns west at the New Britain intersection." |
"Not always. Sam said. It went by here once before." |
"It almost never stops, anyway," the voice said firmly. "It wont stop." |
"Some times it does", Sam said. |
"It doesnt have to." |
Sam shrugged and said nothing. |
"Okay, then," the voice said. "I called you about it, anyway." |
"Thanks." |
Sam turned away, still watching the road. |
Far off a speck of metal gleamed, growing larger. The distant high sound of brakes began, as a car decelerated, Coming toward the Stop. |
It was just an ordinary car, Sam told himself. That other car was still hundreds of miles away. But his hands were damp as he watched it grow larger. |
It was an ordinary Talman sedan, with two people in it. It swung into the Stops parking area, and its doors slid open smoothly. A small red light flashed on its arched front. The repair signal. In response the doors of the Repair shop opened. The Talman waited, as a man and a woman emerged from its padded interior and moved slowly into the Repair shop. The doors closed behind it. |
The couple came toward the restaurant, where Sam stood waiting. |
"Hi," the man said to Sam. |
"Afternoon." Sam moved to the counter. Something to eat while youre waiting, folks?" |
The tall, dark girl glanced out at the closed doors of the Repair shop. |
"How long's that car going to take?" she asked in a tired voice. "I wanted to get home tonight." |
"Not long," Sam said. "It didn't look like anything complicated." |
"How can you tell?" the man asked, sitting down. "It could take all night." |
"Like something to eat while youre waiting?" Sam asked. |
The woman stared at the lunch racks critically. |
"I never like these places to eat in, the woman said, curling her lip. You never know how long the food's been stored in the robot." |
The highway stretched away in ruler straight perspective toward both horizons, black and shining in the sun like a river of ink. Beside it, the bright pastel buildings of Rest Stop 25 stood among the green trees. Occasionally a car shot past, a flash of metal and a hiss of split wind; but the road was one which was used more often at night, and was nearly empty in the afternoon. |
Sam was the only attendant on duty. Stop 25 needed only two human attendants, even at its busiest hours. He sat, staring out at the highway, his elbows on the lunch counter, his round face blank, but his mouth set tightly. The phone at his elbow emitted a small grunting noise. |
"You still there?" the phone voice said inquiringly. |
"Yeah." Sam said, still staring at the highway. |
"Well,..." The voice paused. Look, it might not come your way. It usually turns west at the New Britain intersection." |
"Not always. Sam said. It went by here once before." |
"It almost never stops, anyway," the voice said firmly. "It wont stop." |
"Some times it does", Sam said. |
"It doesnt have to." |
Sam shrugged and said nothing. |
"Okay, then," the voice said. "I called you about it, anyway." |
"Thanks." |
Sam turned away, still watching the road. |
Far off a speck of metal gleamed, growing larger. The distant high sound of brakes began, as a car decelerated, Coming toward the Stop. |
It was just an ordinary car, Sam told himself. That other car was still hundreds of miles away. But his hands were damp as he watched it grow larger. |
It was an ordinary Talman sedan, with two people in it. It swung into the Stops parking area, and its doors slid open smoothly. A small red light flashed on its arched front. The repair signal. In response the doors of the Repair shop opened. The Talman waited, as a man and a woman emerged from its padded interior and moved slowly into the Repair shop. The doors closed behind it. |
The couple came toward the restaurant, where Sam stood waiting. |
"Hi," the man said to Sam. |
"Afternoon." Sam moved to the counter. Something to eat while youre waiting, folks?" |
The tall, dark girl glanced out at the closed doors of the Repair shop. |
"How long's that car going to take?" she asked in a tired voice. "I wanted to get home tonight." |
"Not long," Sam said. "It didn't look like anything complicated." |
"How can you tell?" the man asked, sitting down. "It could take all night." |
"Like something to eat while youre waiting?" Sam asked. |
The woman stared at the lunch racks critically. |
"I never like these places to eat in, the woman said, curling her lip. You never know how long the food's been stored in the robot." |
The highway stretched away in ruler straight perspective toward both horizons, black and shining in the sun like a river of ink. Beside it, the bright pastel buildings of Rest Stop 25 stood among the green trees. Occasionally a car shot past, a flash of metal and a hiss of split wind; but the road was one which was used more often at night, and was nearly empty in the afternoon. |
Sam was the only attendant on duty. Stop 25 needed only two human attendants, even at its busiest hours. He sat, staring out at the highway, his elbows on the lunch counter, his round face blank, but his mouth set tightly. The phone at his elbow emitted a small grunting noise. |
"You still there?" the phone voice said inquiringly. |
"Yeah." Sam said, still staring at the highway. |
"Well,..." The voice paused. Look, it might not come your way. It usually turns west at the New Britain intersection." |
"Not always. Sam said. It went by here once before." |
"It almost never stops, anyway," the voice said firmly. "It wont stop." |
"Some times it does", Sam said. |
"It doesnt have to." |
Sam shrugged and said nothing. |
"Okay, then," the voice said. "I called you about it, anyway." |
"Thanks." |
Sam turned away, still watching the road. |
Far off a speck of metal gleamed, growing larger. The distant high sound of brakes began, as a car decelerated, Coming toward the Stop. |
It was just an ordinary car, Sam told himself. That other car was still hundreds of miles away. But his hands were damp as he watched it grow larger. |
It was an ordinary Talman sedan, with two people in it. It swung into the Stops parking area, and its doors slid open smoothly. A small red light flashed on its arched front. The repair signal. In response the doors of the Repair shop opened. The Talman waited, as a man and a woman emerged from its padded interior and moved slowly into the Repair shop. The doors closed behind it. |
The couple came toward the restaurant, where Sam stood waiting. |
"Hi," the man said to Sam. |
"Afternoon." Sam moved to the counter. Something to eat while youre waiting, folks?" |
The tall, dark girl glanced out at the closed doors of the Repair shop. |
"How long's that car going to take?" she asked in a tired voice. "I wanted to get home tonight." |
"Not long," Sam said. "It didn't look like anything complicated." |
"How can you tell?" the man asked, sitting down. "It could take all night." |
"Like something to eat while youre waiting?" Sam asked. |
The woman stared at the lunch racks critically. |
"I never like these places to eat in, the woman said, curling her lip. You never know how long the food's been stored in the robot." |
The soldier who is untried in the fearful ordeal of war looks forward with a kind of adventurous excitement to the time when he shall cross swords with the enemy; and especially if his heart is bound up in the cause, and his motives lie deeper than mere love of adventure, he desires to stand at the post of duty, though it be in the deadly charge, and at .the cannons mouth. At length the last day of November, a beautiful Sabbath, came, and with it marching orders. All attention was now concentrated upon the movement to take place the next day, at nine oclock. The cooks were busy preparing rations for the march; the men were arranging their traps in the most portable form, and all looked forward with eager interest to the new scenes before us. At the appointed time, on the following morning, the Twenty-seventh, with the other regiments in the brigade, began the march for Washington, leaving our comparatively commodious A tents standing. Henceforth, shelter-tents, and for much of the time no tents at all, were to be our covering. Our final destination was all a mystery, until, as the days advanced, conjecture was enabled, with some probability, to fix upon Fredericksburg. The march across Chain Bridge, through Georgetown and Washington, and down the Potomac, fifteen miles, consumed the first day, and that night a tired set slept beneath their shelter-tents, nestling in the woods by the roadside. |
By eight oclock, December second, we were again in motion, and before sundown accomplished the appointed distance of twenty miles, through a pleasant country, divided into large and apparently well-cultivated plantations. Sambos glittering ivory and staring eyes gleamed from many gateways, greeting us half suspiciously. One young colored boy concluded he had been beaten quite long enough by his master, and not liking the prospect before him if he remained in slavery, thought best to join the column, and march to freedom. In anticipation of some such proceedings on the part of the colored population, the planters of that region patrolled the roads on horseback, watching our ranks as we filed past, to see if some luckless contraband were not harbored therein. |
The third day brought us within three miles of Port Tobacco, and without standing on ceremony, we encamped for the night on the grounds of a secessionist planter, and availed ourselves of his abundant store of hay and straw. December fourth, we passed through the towna very ordinary, shabby-looking place, whose secession population hardly deigned to glance at us, except from behind closed shutters. |
Thus far the weather had been delightful, but the fifth day of our march, and the last on the Maryland side of the Potomac, opened rather inauspiciously, and by the time we reached the river bank at Liverpool Point, a cold rain storm had set in, in which we were obliged to stand a couple of hours awaiting our turn to be ferried across to Acquia Landing. |
The soldier who is untried in the fearful ordeal of war looks forward with a kind of adventurous excitement to the time when he shall cross swords with the enemy; and especially if his heart is bound up in the cause, and his motives lie deeper than mere love of adventure, he desires to stand at the post of duty, though it be in the deadly charge, and at .the cannons mouth. At length the last day of November, a beautiful Sabbath, came, and with it marching orders. All attention was now concentrated upon the movement to take place the next day, at nine oclock. The cooks were busy preparing rations for the march; the men were arranging their traps in the most portable form, and all looked forward with eager interest to the new scenes before us. At the appointed time, on the following morning, the Twenty-seventh, with the other regiments in the brigade, began the march for Washington, leaving our comparatively commodious A tents standing. Henceforth, shelter-tents, and for much of the time no tents at all, were to be our covering. Our final destination was all a mystery, until, as the days advanced, conjecture was enabled, with some probability, to fix upon Fredericksburg. The march across Chain Bridge, through Georgetown and Washington, and down the Potomac, fifteen miles, consumed the first day, and that night a tired set slept beneath their shelter-tents, nestling in the woods by the roadside. |
By eight oclock, December second, we were again in motion, and before sundown accomplished the appointed distance of twenty miles, through a pleasant country, divided into large and apparently well-cultivated plantations. Sambos glittering ivory and staring eyes gleamed from many gateways, greeting us half suspiciously. One young colored boy concluded he had been beaten quite long enough by his master, and not liking the prospect before him if he remained in slavery, thought best to join the column, and march to freedom. In anticipation of some such proceedings on the part of the colored population, the planters of that region patrolled the roads on horseback, watching our ranks as we filed past, to see if some luckless contraband were not harbored therein. |
The third day brought us within three miles of Port Tobacco, and without standing on ceremony, we encamped for the night on the grounds of a secessionist planter, and availed ourselves of his abundant store of hay and straw. December fourth, we passed through the towna very ordinary, shabby-looking place, whose secession population hardly deigned to glance at us, except from behind closed shutters. |
Thus far the weather had been delightful, but the fifth day of our march, and the last on the Maryland side of the Potomac, opened rather inauspiciously, and by the time we reached the river bank at Liverpool Point, a cold rain storm had set in, in which we were obliged to stand a couple of hours awaiting our turn to be ferried across to Acquia Landing. |
The soldier who is untried in the fearful ordeal of war looks forward with a kind of adventurous excitement to the time when he shall cross swords with the enemy; and especially if his heart is bound up in the cause, and his motives lie deeper than mere love of adventure, he desires to stand at the post of duty, though it be in the deadly charge, and at .the cannons mouth. At length the last day of November, a beautiful Sabbath, came, and with it marching orders. All attention was now concentrated upon the movement to take place the next day, at nine oclock. The cooks were busy preparing rations for the march; the men were arranging their traps in the most portable form, and all looked forward with eager interest to the new scenes before us. At the appointed time, on the following morning, the Twenty-seventh, with the other regiments in the brigade, began the march for Washington, leaving our comparatively commodious A tents standing. Henceforth, shelter-tents, and for much of the time no tents at all, were to be our covering. Our final destination was all a mystery, until, as the days advanced, conjecture was enabled, with some probability, to fix upon Fredericksburg. The march across Chain Bridge, through Georgetown and Washington, and down the Potomac, fifteen miles, consumed the first day, and that night a tired set slept beneath their shelter-tents, nestling in the woods by the roadside. |
By eight oclock, December second, we were again in motion, and before sundown accomplished the appointed distance of twenty miles, through a pleasant country, divided into large and apparently well-cultivated plantations. Sambos glittering ivory and staring eyes gleamed from many gateways, greeting us half suspiciously. One young colored boy concluded he had been beaten quite long enough by his master, and not liking the prospect before him if he remained in slavery, thought best to join the column, and march to freedom. In anticipation of some such proceedings on the part of the colored population, the planters of that region patrolled the roads on horseback, watching our ranks as we filed past, to see if some luckless contraband were not harbored therein. |
The third day brought us within three miles of Port Tobacco, and without standing on ceremony, we encamped for the night on the grounds of a secessionist planter, and availed ourselves of his abundant store of hay and straw. December fourth, we passed through the towna very ordinary, shabby-looking place, whose secession population hardly deigned to glance at us, except from behind closed shutters. |
Thus far the weather had been delightful, but the fifth day of our march, and the last on the Maryland side of the Potomac, opened rather inauspiciously, and by the time we reached the river bank at Liverpool Point, a cold rain storm had set in, in which we were obliged to stand a couple of hours awaiting our turn to be ferried across to Acquia Landing. |
The soldier who is untried in the fearful ordeal of war looks forward with a kind of adventurous excitement to the time when he shall cross swords with the enemy; and especially if his heart is bound up in the cause, and his motives lie deeper than mere love of adventure, he desires to stand at the post of duty, though it be in the deadly charge, and at .the cannons mouth. At length the last day of November, a beautiful Sabbath, came, and with it marching orders. All attention was now concentrated upon the movement to take place the next day, at nine oclock. The cooks were busy preparing rations for the march; the men were arranging their traps in the most portable form, and all looked forward with eager interest to the new scenes before us. At the appointed time, on the following morning, the Twenty-seventh, with the other regiments in the brigade, began the march for Washington, leaving our comparatively commodious A tents standing. Henceforth, shelter-tents, and for much of the time no tents at all, were to be our covering. Our final destination was all a mystery, until, as the days advanced, conjecture was enabled, with some probability, to fix upon Fredericksburg. The march across Chain Bridge, through Georgetown and Washington, and down the Potomac, fifteen miles, consumed the first day, and that night a tired set slept beneath their shelter-tents, nestling in the woods by the roadside. |
By eight oclock, December second, we were again in motion, and before sundown accomplished the appointed distance of twenty miles, through a pleasant country, divided into large and apparently well-cultivated plantations. Sambos glittering ivory and staring eyes gleamed from many gateways, greeting us half suspiciously. One young colored boy concluded he had been beaten quite long enough by his master, and not liking the prospect before him if he remained in slavery, thought best to join the column, and march to freedom. In anticipation of some such proceedings on the part of the colored population, the planters of that region patrolled the roads on horseback, watching our ranks as we filed past, to see if some luckless contraband were not harbored therein. |
The third day brought us within three miles of Port Tobacco, and without standing on ceremony, we encamped for the night on the grounds of a secessionist planter, and availed ourselves of his abundant store of hay and straw. December fourth, we passed through the towna very ordinary, shabby-looking place, whose secession population hardly deigned to glance at us, except from behind closed shutters. |
Thus far the weather had been delightful, but the fifth day of our march, and the last on the Maryland side of the Potomac, opened rather inauspiciously, and by the time we reached the river bank at Liverpool Point, a cold rain storm had set in, in which we were obliged to stand a couple of hours awaiting our turn to be ferried across to Acquia Landing. |
The soldier who is untried in the fearful ordeal of war looks forward with a kind of adventurous excitement to the time when he shall cross swords with the enemy; and especially if his heart is bound up in the cause, and his motives lie deeper than mere love of adventure, he desires to stand at the post of duty, though it be in the deadly charge, and at .the cannons mouth. At length the last day of November, a beautiful Sabbath, came, and with it marching orders. All attention was now concentrated upon the movement to take place the next day, at nine oclock. The cooks were busy preparing rations for the march; the men were arranging their traps in the most portable form, and all looked forward with eager interest to the new scenes before us. At the appointed time, on the following morning, the Twenty-seventh, with the other regiments in the brigade, began the march for Washington, leaving our comparatively commodious A tents standing. Henceforth, shelter-tents, and for much of the time no tents at all, were to be our covering. Our final destination was all a mystery, until, as the days advanced, conjecture was enabled, with some probability, to fix upon Fredericksburg. The march across Chain Bridge, through Georgetown and Washington, and down the Potomac, fifteen miles, consumed the first day, and that night a tired set slept beneath their shelter-tents, nestling in the woods by the roadside. |
By eight oclock, December second, we were again in motion, and before sundown accomplished the appointed distance of twenty miles, through a pleasant country, divided into large and apparently well-cultivated plantations. Sambos glittering ivory and staring eyes gleamed from many gateways, greeting us half suspiciously. One young colored boy concluded he had been beaten quite long enough by his master, and not liking the prospect before him if he remained in slavery, thought best to join the column, and march to freedom. In anticipation of some such proceedings on the part of the colored population, the planters of that region patrolled the roads on horseback, watching our ranks as we filed past, to see if some luckless contraband were not harbored therein. |
The third day brought us within three miles of Port Tobacco, and without standing on ceremony, we encamped for the night on the grounds of a secessionist planter, and availed ourselves of his abundant store of hay and straw. December fourth, we passed through the towna very ordinary, shabby-looking place, whose secession population hardly deigned to glance at us, except from behind closed shutters. |
Thus far the weather had been delightful, but the fifth day of our march, and the last on the Maryland side of the Potomac, opened rather inauspiciously, and by the time we reached the river bank at Liverpool Point, a cold rain storm had set in, in which we were obliged to stand a couple of hours awaiting our turn to be ferried across to Acquia Landing. |
Nagendra Natha Datta is about to travel by boat. It is the month Joisto (MayJune), the time of storms. His wife, Surja Mukhi, had adjured him, saying, Be careful; if a storm arises be sure you fasten the boat to the shore. Do not remain in the boat. Nagendra had consented to this, otherwise Surja Mukhi would not have permitted him to leave home; and unless he went to Calcutta his suits in the Courts would not prosper. |
Nagendra Natha was a young man, about thirty years of age, a wealthy zemindar (landholder) in Zillah Govindpur. He dwelt in a small village which we shall call Haripur. He was travelling in his own boat. The first day or two passed without obstacle. The river flowed smoothly onleaped, danced, cried out, restless, unending, playful. On shore, herdsmen were grazing their oxenone sitting under a tree singing, another smoking, some lighting, others eating. Inland, husbandmen were driving the plough, beating the oxen, lavishing abuse upon them, in which the owner shared. The wives of the husbandmen, bearing vessels of water, some carrying a torn quilt, or a dirty mat, wearing a silver amulet round the neck, a ring in the nose, bracelets of brass on the arm, with unwashed garments, their skins blacker than ink, their hair unkempt, formed a chattering crowd. Among them one beauty was rubbing her head with mud, another beating a child, a third speaking with a neighbour in abuse of some nameless person, a fourth beating clothes on a plank. Further on, ladies from respectable villages adorned the ghats (landing-steps) with their appearancethe elders conversing, the middle-aged worshipping Siva, the younger covering their faces and plunging into the water; the boys and girls screaming, playing with mud, stealing the flowers offered in worship, swimming, throwing water over every one, sometimes stepping up to a lady, snatching away the image of Siva from her, and running off with it. The Brahmans, good tranquil men, recited the praises of Ganga (the sacred river Ganges) and performed their worship, sometimes, as they wiped their streaming hair, casting glances at the younger women. |
In the sky, the white clouds float in the heated air. Below them fly the birds, like black dots. In the cocoanut trees, kites, like ministers of state, look around to see on what they can pounce; the cranes, being only small fry, stand raking in the mud; the dahuk (coloured herons), merry creatures, dive in the water; other birds of a lighter kind merely fly about. Market-boats sail along at good speed on their own behalf; ferry-boats creep along at elephantine pace to serve the needs of others only: cargo boats make no progress at allthat is the owners concern. |
On the third day of Nagendras journey clouds arose and gradually covered the sky. The river became black, the tree-tops drooped, the paddy birds flew aloft, the water became motionless. Nagendra ordered the manji (boatman) to run the boat in shore and make it fast. At that moment the steersman, Rahamat Mullah, was saying his prayers, so he made no answer. Rahamat knew nothing of his business. His mothers fathers sister was the daughter of a boatman; on that plea he had become a hanger-on of boatmen, and accident favoured his wishes; but he learned nothing, his work was done as fate willed. Rahamat was not backward in speech, and when his prayers were ended he turned to the Babu and said, Do not be alarmed, sir, there is no cause for fear. Rahamat was thus brave because the shore was close at hand, and could be reached without delay, and in a few minutes the boat was secured. |
Nagendra Natha Datta is about to travel by boat. It is the month Joisto (MayJune), the time of storms. His wife, Surja Mukhi, had adjured him, saying, Be careful; if a storm arises be sure you fasten the boat to the shore. Do not remain in the boat. Nagendra had consented to this, otherwise Surja Mukhi would not have permitted him to leave home; and unless he went to Calcutta his suits in the Courts would not prosper. |
Nagendra Natha was a young man, about thirty years of age, a wealthy zemindar (landholder) in Zillah Govindpur. He dwelt in a small village which we shall call Haripur. He was travelling in his own boat. The first day or two passed without obstacle. The river flowed smoothly onleaped, danced, cried out, restless, unending, playful. On shore, herdsmen were grazing their oxenone sitting under a tree singing, another smoking, some lighting, others eating. Inland, husbandmen were driving the plough, beating the oxen, lavishing abuse upon them, in which the owner shared. The wives of the husbandmen, bearing vessels of water, some carrying a torn quilt, or a dirty mat, wearing a silver amulet round the neck, a ring in the nose, bracelets of brass on the arm, with unwashed garments, their skins blacker than ink, their hair unkempt, formed a chattering crowd. Among them one beauty was rubbing her head with mud, another beating a child, a third speaking with a neighbour in abuse of some nameless person, a fourth beating clothes on a plank. Further on, ladies from respectable villages adorned the ghats (landing-steps) with their appearancethe elders conversing, the middle-aged worshipping Siva, the younger covering their faces and plunging into the water; the boys and girls screaming, playing with mud, stealing the flowers offered in worship, swimming, throwing water over every one, sometimes stepping up to a lady, snatching away the image of Siva from her, and running off with it. The Brahmans, good tranquil men, recited the praises of Ganga (the sacred river Ganges) and performed their worship, sometimes, as they wiped their streaming hair, casting glances at the younger women. |
In the sky, the white clouds float in the heated air. Below them fly the birds, like black dots. In the cocoanut trees, kites, like ministers of state, look around to see on what they can pounce; the cranes, being only small fry, stand raking in the mud; the dahuk (coloured herons), merry creatures, dive in the water; other birds of a lighter kind merely fly about. Market-boats sail along at good speed on their own behalf; ferry-boats creep along at elephantine pace to serve the needs of others only: cargo boats make no progress at allthat is the owners concern. |
On the third day of Nagendras journey clouds arose and gradually covered the sky. The river became black, the tree-tops drooped, the paddy birds flew aloft, the water became motionless. Nagendra ordered the manji (boatman) to run the boat in shore and make it fast. At that moment the steersman, Rahamat Mullah, was saying his prayers, so he made no answer. Rahamat knew nothing of his business. His mothers fathers sister was the daughter of a boatman; on that plea he had become a hanger-on of boatmen, and accident favoured his wishes; but he learned nothing, his work was done as fate willed. Rahamat was not backward in speech, and when his prayers were ended he turned to the Babu and said, Do not be alarmed, sir, there is no cause for fear. Rahamat was thus brave because the shore was close at hand, and could be reached without delay, and in a few minutes the boat was secured. |
Nagendra Natha Datta is about to travel by boat. It is the month Joisto (MayJune), the time of storms. His wife, Surja Mukhi, had adjured him, saying, Be careful; if a storm arises be sure you fasten the boat to the shore. Do not remain in the boat. Nagendra had consented to this, otherwise Surja Mukhi would not have permitted him to leave home; and unless he went to Calcutta his suits in the Courts would not prosper. |
Nagendra Natha was a young man, about thirty years of age, a wealthy zemindar (landholder) in Zillah Govindpur. He dwelt in a small village which we shall call Haripur. He was travelling in his own boat. The first day or two passed without obstacle. The river flowed smoothly onleaped, danced, cried out, restless, unending, playful. On shore, herdsmen were grazing their oxenone sitting under a tree singing, another smoking, some lighting, others eating. Inland, husbandmen were driving the plough, beating the oxen, lavishing abuse upon them, in which the owner shared. The wives of the husbandmen, bearing vessels of water, some carrying a torn quilt, or a dirty mat, wearing a silver amulet round the neck, a ring in the nose, bracelets of brass on the arm, with unwashed garments, their skins blacker than ink, their hair unkempt, formed a chattering crowd. Among them one beauty was rubbing her head with mud, another beating a child, a third speaking with a neighbour in abuse of some nameless person, a fourth beating clothes on a plank. Further on, ladies from respectable villages adorned the ghats (landing-steps) with their appearancethe elders conversing, the middle-aged worshipping Siva, the younger covering their faces and plunging into the water; the boys and girls screaming, playing with mud, stealing the flowers offered in worship, swimming, throwing water over every one, sometimes stepping up to a lady, snatching away the image of Siva from her, and running off with it. The Brahmans, good tranquil men, recited the praises of Ganga (the sacred river Ganges) and performed their worship, sometimes, as they wiped their streaming hair, casting glances at the younger women. |
In the sky, the white clouds float in the heated air. Below them fly the birds, like black dots. In the cocoanut trees, kites, like ministers of state, look around to see on what they can pounce; the cranes, being only small fry, stand raking in the mud; the dahuk (coloured herons), merry creatures, dive in the water; other birds of a lighter kind merely fly about. Market-boats sail along at good speed on their own behalf; ferry-boats creep along at elephantine pace to serve the needs of others only: cargo boats make no progress at allthat is the owners concern. |
On the third day of Nagendras journey clouds arose and gradually covered the sky. The river became black, the tree-tops drooped, the paddy birds flew aloft, the water became motionless. Nagendra ordered the manji (boatman) to run the boat in shore and make it fast. At that moment the steersman, Rahamat Mullah, was saying his prayers, so he made no answer. Rahamat knew nothing of his business. His mothers fathers sister was the daughter of a boatman; on that plea he had become a hanger-on of boatmen, and accident favoured his wishes; but he learned nothing, his work was done as fate willed. Rahamat was not backward in speech, and when his prayers were ended he turned to the Babu and said, Do not be alarmed, sir, there is no cause for fear. Rahamat was thus brave because the shore was close at hand, and could be reached without delay, and in a few minutes the boat was secured. |
Nagendra Natha Datta is about to travel by boat. It is the month Joisto (MayJune), the time of storms. His wife, Surja Mukhi, had adjured him, saying, Be careful; if a storm arises be sure you fasten the boat to the shore. Do not remain in the boat. Nagendra had consented to this, otherwise Surja Mukhi would not have permitted him to leave home; and unless he went to Calcutta his suits in the Courts would not prosper. |
Nagendra Natha was a young man, about thirty years of age, a wealthy zemindar (landholder) in Zillah Govindpur. He dwelt in a small village which we shall call Haripur. He was travelling in his own boat. The first day or two passed without obstacle. The river flowed smoothly onleaped, danced, cried out, restless, unending, playful. On shore, herdsmen were grazing their oxenone sitting under a tree singing, another smoking, some lighting, others eating. Inland, husbandmen were driving the plough, beating the oxen, lavishing abuse upon them, in which the owner shared. The wives of the husbandmen, bearing vessels of water, some carrying a torn quilt, or a dirty mat, wearing a silver amulet round the neck, a ring in the nose, bracelets of brass on the arm, with unwashed garments, their skins blacker than ink, their hair unkempt, formed a chattering crowd. Among them one beauty was rubbing her head with mud, another beating a child, a third speaking with a neighbour in abuse of some nameless person, a fourth beating clothes on a plank. Further on, ladies from respectable villages adorned the ghats (landing-steps) with their appearancethe elders conversing, the middle-aged worshipping Siva, the younger covering their faces and plunging into the water; the boys and girls screaming, playing with mud, stealing the flowers offered in worship, swimming, throwing water over every one, sometimes stepping up to a lady, snatching away the image of Siva from her, and running off with it. The Brahmans, good tranquil men, recited the praises of Ganga (the sacred river Ganges) and performed their worship, sometimes, as they wiped their streaming hair, casting glances at the younger women. |
In the sky, the white clouds float in the heated air. Below them fly the birds, like black dots. In the cocoanut trees, kites, like ministers of state, look around to see on what they can pounce; the cranes, being only small fry, stand raking in the mud; the dahuk (coloured herons), merry creatures, dive in the water; other birds of a lighter kind merely fly about. Market-boats sail along at good speed on their own behalf; ferry-boats creep along at elephantine pace to serve the needs of others only: cargo boats make no progress at allthat is the owners concern. |
On the third day of Nagendras journey clouds arose and gradually covered the sky. The river became black, the tree-tops drooped, the paddy birds flew aloft, the water became motionless. Nagendra ordered the manji (boatman) to run the boat in shore and make it fast. At that moment the steersman, Rahamat Mullah, was saying his prayers, so he made no answer. Rahamat knew nothing of his business. His mothers fathers sister was the daughter of a boatman; on that plea he had become a hanger-on of boatmen, and accident favoured his wishes; but he learned nothing, his work was done as fate willed. Rahamat was not backward in speech, and when his prayers were ended he turned to the Babu and said, Do not be alarmed, sir, there is no cause for fear. Rahamat was thus brave because the shore was close at hand, and could be reached without delay, and in a few minutes the boat was secured. |
Nagendra Natha Datta is about to travel by boat. It is the month Joisto (MayJune), the time of storms. His wife, Surja Mukhi, had adjured him, saying, Be careful; if a storm arises be sure you fasten the boat to the shore. Do not remain in the boat. Nagendra had consented to this, otherwise Surja Mukhi would not have permitted him to leave home; and unless he went to Calcutta his suits in the Courts would not prosper. |
Nagendra Natha was a young man, about thirty years of age, a wealthy zemindar (landholder) in Zillah Govindpur. He dwelt in a small village which we shall call Haripur. He was travelling in his own boat. The first day or two passed without obstacle. The river flowed smoothly onleaped, danced, cried out, restless, unending, playful. On shore, herdsmen were grazing their oxenone sitting under a tree singing, another smoking, some lighting, others eating. Inland, husbandmen were driving the plough, beating the oxen, lavishing abuse upon them, in which the owner shared. The wives of the husbandmen, bearing vessels of water, some carrying a torn quilt, or a dirty mat, wearing a silver amulet round the neck, a ring in the nose, bracelets of brass on the arm, with unwashed garments, their skins blacker than ink, their hair unkempt, formed a chattering crowd. Among them one beauty was rubbing her head with mud, another beating a child, a third speaking with a neighbour in abuse of some nameless person, a fourth beating clothes on a plank. Further on, ladies from respectable villages adorned the ghats (landing-steps) with their appearancethe elders conversing, the middle-aged worshipping Siva, the younger covering their faces and plunging into the water; the boys and girls screaming, playing with mud, stealing the flowers offered in worship, swimming, throwing water over every one, sometimes stepping up to a lady, snatching away the image of Siva from her, and running off with it. The Brahmans, good tranquil men, recited the praises of Ganga (the sacred river Ganges) and performed their worship, sometimes, as they wiped their streaming hair, casting glances at the younger women. |
In the sky, the white clouds float in the heated air. Below them fly the birds, like black dots. In the cocoanut trees, kites, like ministers of state, look around to see on what they can pounce; the cranes, being only small fry, stand raking in the mud; the dahuk (coloured herons), merry creatures, dive in the water; other birds of a lighter kind merely fly about. Market-boats sail along at good speed on their own behalf; ferry-boats creep along at elephantine pace to serve the needs of others only: cargo boats make no progress at allthat is the owners concern. |
On the third day of Nagendras journey clouds arose and gradually covered the sky. The river became black, the tree-tops drooped, the paddy birds flew aloft, the water became motionless. Nagendra ordered the manji (boatman) to run the boat in shore and make it fast. At that moment the steersman, Rahamat Mullah, was saying his prayers, so he made no answer. Rahamat knew nothing of his business. His mothers fathers sister was the daughter of a boatman; on that plea he had become a hanger-on of boatmen, and accident favoured his wishes; but he learned nothing, his work was done as fate willed. Rahamat was not backward in speech, and when his prayers were ended he turned to the Babu and said, Do not be alarmed, sir, there is no cause for fear. Rahamat was thus brave because the shore was close at hand, and could be reached without delay, and in a few minutes the boat was secured. |
1968 On a sticky august evening two weeks before her due date, Ashima Ganguli stands in the kitchen of a Central Square apartment, combining Rice Krispies and Planters peanuts and chopped red onion in a bowl. She adds salt, lemon juice, thin slices of green chili pepper, wishing there were mustard oil to pour into the mix. Ashima has been consuming this concoction throughout her pregnancy, a humble approximation of the snack sold for pennies on Calcutta sidewalks and on railway platforms throughout India, spilling from newspaper cones. Even now that there is barely space inside her, it is the one thing she craves. Tasting from a cupped palm, she frowns; as usual, theres something missing. She stares blankly at the pegboard behind the countertop where her cooking utensils hang, all slightly coated with grease. She wipes sweat from her face with the free end of her sari. Her swollen feet ache against speckled gray linoleum. Her pelvis aches from the babys weight. She opens a cupboard, the shelves lined with a grimy yellow-and-white-checkered paper shes been meaning to replace, and reaches for another onion, frowning again as she pulls at its crisp magenta skin. A curious warmth floods her abdomen, followed by a tightening so severe she doubles over, gasping without sound, dropping the onion with a thud on the floor. |
The sensation passes, only to be followed by a more enduring spasm of discomfort. In the bathroom she discovers she is not well. She calls out to her husband, Ashoke, a doctoral candidate in electrical engineering at MIT, who is studying in the bedroom. He leans over a card table; the edge of their bed, two twin mattresses pushed together under a red and purple batik spread, serves as his chair. When she calls out to Ashoke, she doesnt say his name. Ashima never thinks of her husband' s name when she thinks of her husband, even though she knows perfectly well what it is. She has adopted his surname but refuses, for proprietys sake, to utter his first. It's not the type of thing Bengali wives do. Like a kiss or caress in a Hindi movie, a husbands name is something intimate and therefore unspoken, cleverly patched over. And so, instead of saying Ashokes name, she utters the interrogative that has come to replace it, which translates roughly as "Are you listening to me?" |
At dawn a taxi is called to ferry them through deserted Cambridge streets, up Massachusetts Avenue and past Harvard Yard, to Mount Auburn Hospital. Ashima registers, answering questions about the frequency and duration of the contractions, as Ashoke fills out the forms. She is seated in a wheelchair and pushed through the shining, brightly lit corridors, whisked into an elevator more spacious than her kitchen. |
1968 On a sticky august evening two weeks before her due date, Ashima Ganguli stands in the kitchen of a Central Square apartment, combining Rice Krispies and Planters peanuts and chopped red onion in a bowl. She adds salt, lemon juice, thin slices of green chili pepper, wishing there were mustard oil to pour into the mix. Ashima has been consuming this concoction throughout her pregnancy, a humble approximation of the snack sold for pennies on Calcutta sidewalks and on railway platforms throughout India, spilling from newspaper cones. Even now that there is barely space inside her, it is the one thing she craves. Tasting from a cupped palm, she frowns; as usual, theres something missing. She stares blankly at the pegboard behind the countertop where her cooking utensils hang, all slightly coated with grease. She wipes sweat from her face with the free end of her sari. Her swollen feet ache against speckled gray linoleum. Her pelvis aches from the babys weight. She opens a cupboard, the shelves lined with a grimy yellow-and-white-checkered paper shes been meaning to replace, and reaches for another onion, frowning again as she pulls at its crisp magenta skin. A curious warmth floods her abdomen, followed by a tightening so severe she doubles over, gasping without sound, dropping the onion with a thud on the floor. |
The sensation passes, only to be followed by a more enduring spasm of discomfort. In the bathroom she discovers she is not well. She calls out to her husband, Ashoke, a doctoral candidate in electrical engineering at MIT, who is studying in the bedroom. He leans over a card table; the edge of their bed, two twin mattresses pushed together under a red and purple batik spread, serves as his chair. When she calls out to Ashoke, she doesnt say his name. Ashima never thinks of her husband' s name when she thinks of her husband, even though she knows perfectly well what it is. She has adopted his surname but refuses, for proprietys sake, to utter his first. It's not the type of thing Bengali wives do. Like a kiss or caress in a Hindi movie, a husbands name is something intimate and therefore unspoken, cleverly patched over. And so, instead of saying Ashokes name, she utters the interrogative that has come to replace it, which translates roughly as "Are you listening to me?" |
At dawn a taxi is called to ferry them through deserted Cambridge streets, up Massachusetts Avenue and past Harvard Yard, to Mount Auburn Hospital. Ashima registers, answering questions about the frequency and duration of the contractions, as Ashoke fills out the forms. She is seated in a wheelchair and pushed through the shining, brightly lit corridors, whisked into an elevator more spacious than her kitchen. |
1968 On a sticky august evening two weeks before her due date, Ashima Ganguli stands in the kitchen of a Central Square apartment, combining Rice Krispies and Planters peanuts and chopped red onion in a bowl. She adds salt, lemon juice, thin slices of green chili pepper, wishing there were mustard oil to pour into the mix. Ashima has been consuming this concoction throughout her pregnancy, a humble approximation of the snack sold for pennies on Calcutta sidewalks and on railway platforms throughout India, spilling from newspaper cones. Even now that there is barely space inside her, it is the one thing she craves. Tasting from a cupped palm, she frowns; as usual, theres something missing. She stares blankly at the pegboard behind the countertop where her cooking utensils hang, all slightly coated with grease. She wipes sweat from her face with the free end of her sari. Her swollen feet ache against speckled gray linoleum. Her pelvis aches from the babys weight. She opens a cupboard, the shelves lined with a grimy yellow-and-white-checkered paper shes been meaning to replace, and reaches for another onion, frowning again as she pulls at its crisp magenta skin. A curious warmth floods her abdomen, followed by a tightening so severe she doubles over, gasping without sound, dropping the onion with a thud on the floor. |
The sensation passes, only to be followed by a more enduring spasm of discomfort. In the bathroom she discovers she is not well. She calls out to her husband, Ashoke, a doctoral candidate in electrical engineering at MIT, who is studying in the bedroom. He leans over a card table; the edge of their bed, two twin mattresses pushed together under a red and purple batik spread, serves as his chair. When she calls out to Ashoke, she doesnt say his name. Ashima never thinks of her husband' s name when she thinks of her husband, even though she knows perfectly well what it is. She has adopted his surname but refuses, for proprietys sake, to utter his first. It's not the type of thing Bengali wives do. Like a kiss or caress in a Hindi movie, a husbands name is something intimate and therefore unspoken, cleverly patched over. And so, instead of saying Ashokes name, she utters the interrogative that has come to replace it, which translates roughly as "Are you listening to me?" |
At dawn a taxi is called to ferry them through deserted Cambridge streets, up Massachusetts Avenue and past Harvard Yard, to Mount Auburn Hospital. Ashima registers, answering questions about the frequency and duration of the contractions, as Ashoke fills out the forms. She is seated in a wheelchair and pushed through the shining, brightly lit corridors, whisked into an elevator more spacious than her kitchen. |
1968 On a sticky august evening two weeks before her due date, Ashima Ganguli stands in the kitchen of a Central Square apartment, combining Rice Krispies and Planters peanuts and chopped red onion in a bowl. She adds salt, lemon juice, thin slices of green chili pepper, wishing there were mustard oil to pour into the mix. Ashima has been consuming this concoction throughout her pregnancy, a humble approximation of the snack sold for pennies on Calcutta sidewalks and on railway platforms throughout India, spilling from newspaper cones. Even now that there is barely space inside her, it is the one thing she craves. Tasting from a cupped palm, she frowns; as usual, theres something missing. She stares blankly at the pegboard behind the countertop where her cooking utensils hang, all slightly coated with grease. She wipes sweat from her face with the free end of her sari. Her swollen feet ache against speckled gray linoleum. Her pelvis aches from the babys weight. She opens a cupboard, the shelves lined with a grimy yellow-and-white-checkered paper shes been meaning to replace, and reaches for another onion, frowning again as she pulls at its crisp magenta skin. A curious warmth floods her abdomen, followed by a tightening so severe she doubles over, gasping without sound, dropping the onion with a thud on the floor. |
The sensation passes, only to be followed by a more enduring spasm of discomfort. In the bathroom she discovers she is not well. She calls out to her husband, Ashoke, a doctoral candidate in electrical engineering at MIT, who is studying in the bedroom. He leans over a card table; the edge of their bed, two twin mattresses pushed together under a red and purple batik spread, serves as his chair. When she calls out to Ashoke, she doesnt say his name. Ashima never thinks of her husband' s name when she thinks of her husband, even though she knows perfectly well what it is. She has adopted his surname but refuses, for proprietys sake, to utter his first. It's not the type of thing Bengali wives do. Like a kiss or caress in a Hindi movie, a husbands name is something intimate and therefore unspoken, cleverly patched over. And so, instead of saying Ashokes name, she utters the interrogative that has come to replace it, which translates roughly as "Are you listening to me?" |
At dawn a taxi is called to ferry them through deserted Cambridge streets, up Massachusetts Avenue and past Harvard Yard, to Mount Auburn Hospital. Ashima registers, answering questions about the frequency and duration of the contractions, as Ashoke fills out the forms. She is seated in a wheelchair and pushed through the shining, brightly lit corridors, whisked into an elevator more spacious than her kitchen. |
1968 On a sticky august evening two weeks before her due date, Ashima Ganguli stands in the kitchen of a Central Square apartment, combining Rice Krispies and Planters peanuts and chopped red onion in a bowl. She adds salt, lemon juice, thin slices of green chili pepper, wishing there were mustard oil to pour into the mix. Ashima has been consuming this concoction throughout her pregnancy, a humble approximation of the snack sold for pennies on Calcutta sidewalks and on railway platforms throughout India, spilling from newspaper cones. Even now that there is barely space inside her, it is the one thing she craves. Tasting from a cupped palm, she frowns; as usual, theres something missing. She stares blankly at the pegboard behind the countertop where her cooking utensils hang, all slightly coated with grease. She wipes sweat from her face with the free end of her sari. Her swollen feet ache against speckled gray linoleum. Her pelvis aches from the babys weight. She opens a cupboard, the shelves lined with a grimy yellow-and-white-checkered paper shes been meaning to replace, and reaches for another onion, frowning again as she pulls at its crisp magenta skin. A curious warmth floods her abdomen, followed by a tightening so severe she doubles over, gasping without sound, dropping the onion with a thud on the floor. |
The sensation passes, only to be followed by a more enduring spasm of discomfort. In the bathroom she discovers she is not well. She calls out to her husband, Ashoke, a doctoral candidate in electrical engineering at MIT, who is studying in the bedroom. He leans over a card table; the edge of their bed, two twin mattresses pushed together under a red and purple batik spread, serves as his chair. When she calls out to Ashoke, she doesnt say his name. Ashima never thinks of her husband' s name when she thinks of her husband, even though she knows perfectly well what it is. She has adopted his surname but refuses, for proprietys sake, to utter his first. It's not the type of thing Bengali wives do. Like a kiss or caress in a Hindi movie, a husbands name is something intimate and therefore unspoken, cleverly patched over. And so, instead of saying Ashokes name, she utters the interrogative that has come to replace it, which translates roughly as "Are you listening to me?" |
At dawn a taxi is called to ferry them through deserted Cambridge streets, up Massachusetts Avenue and past Harvard Yard, to Mount Auburn Hospital. Ashima registers, answering questions about the frequency and duration of the contractions, as Ashoke fills out the forms. She is seated in a wheelchair and pushed through the shining, brightly lit corridors, whisked into an elevator more spacious than her kitchen. |
You have organized buses for the bachelor parties? I said. |
Yes, ma'am. The buses will be there at 7.30 at the front entrance. I read further. |
Day 3: Bhajan and Puja in function room (4 p.m.) |
Day 4: Mehndicounters for all ladies in function room (12-6 p.m.) |
Day 5: Sangeet in function room (8 p.m.) |
The choreographer is here for the sangeet practice?' I said. |
No, ma'am. He will arrive in two days. He said thats enough time for practice.' I looked at the itinerary again. |
Day 6: Wedding at the Grand Ballroom and the Main Lawns (8 p.m.) |
Day 7: Checkouts and departures (12 noon) |
Suraj handed over the other sheets with details about each function and venue. 'Sorry about the rooms goof-up, madam. Everything is under control now,' he said. |
Suraj had just left when Brijesh came up behind me. 'This place is beautiful. Great idea to have a wedding in Goa', he said. His accent was 90 per cent Indian and 10 per cent American. |
From a distance I saw my parents at the Marriott entrance, greeting Brijesh's parents and their relatives with folded hands. |
I focused back on Brijesh. 'Thank you. I always wanted a destination wedding,' I said. Awkward silence for ten long, slow seconds. |
What are we supposed to say to each other? Should I break the ice? |
Shut up, Radhika. Shut the fuck up. You look, 'Brijesh paused, searching for an apt word, 'beautiful'. Could you do no better, Mr. Groom? Stop it, Radhika, I scolded myself.-Yeah, stop it, Radhika! I have to tell you about this bad habit of mine. I have this little person, this inner mini-me who keeps chattering about every situation or person around me. Sometimes, this mini-me overwhelms me so much I have to think hard to remember what just happened. 'Thank you,' I said. 'Thank you, Brijesh.' |
And what sort of a name is Brijesh? Can it be more unfashionable? Radhika, you are going to marry a guy called Brijesh. You will be Mrs. Brijesh Gulati. Thats terrible. Okay, stop it. Stop it, Radhika. |
Hes come a long way. He's a nice guy. That's what matters, right? 'Yellow looks nice on you,' Brijesh continued. Actually, yellow sucks on me, what with my famous wheatish complexion. I wore this because mom wanted a sunflower in the lobby when the Gulatis arrived. Okay, he is trying. 'Thanks', I said. |
Say more, you stupid girl. 'Your kurta is also nice,' I said. Duh, could you be more stupid? 'Hello, beta.' A man in his early fifties along with his wife came up to me. They seemed too enthusiastic to be complete strangers. It took me a second to place them. All right, they were my inlaws. Mr. Aadarsh Gulati and Mrs. Sulochana Gulati. Radhika, behave. |
Don't say anything stupid. Be like mom. Be like Aditi. What would Aditi didi do? She would touch their feet. Cmon, dive, then. I bent down. I touched the feet of people I had only Skyped twice in my life but who now deserved my total respect. My parents had met them several times, of course. Dad told me they were nice people. Nice people? How does anyone figure out nice people? Are there any nice people in this world? See, my mind won't stop chattering. Ever. 'How was your flight, uncle?' I said. 'Just one hour from Mumbai. Not like Brijesh, who has come from halfway across the world,' Aadarsh uncle said. |
You have organized buses for the bachelor parties? I said. |
Yes, ma'am. The buses will be there at 7.30 at the front entrance. I read further. |
Day 3: Bhajan and Puja in function room (4 p.m.) |
Day 4: Mehndicounters for all ladies in function room (12-6 p.m.) |
Day 5: Sangeet in function room (8 p.m.) |
The choreographer is here for the sangeet practice?' I said. |
No, ma'am. He will arrive in two days. He said thats enough time for practice.' I looked at the itinerary again. |
Day 6: Wedding at the Grand Ballroom and the Main Lawns (8 p.m.) |
Day 7: Checkouts and departures (12 noon) |
Suraj handed over the other sheets with details about each function and venue. 'Sorry about the rooms goof-up, madam. Everything is under control now,' he said. |
Suraj had just left when Brijesh came up behind me. 'This place is beautiful. Great idea to have a wedding in Goa', he said. His accent was 90 per cent Indian and 10 per cent American. |
From a distance I saw my parents at the Marriott entrance, greeting Brijesh's parents and their relatives with folded hands. |
I focused back on Brijesh. 'Thank you. I always wanted a destination wedding,' I said. Awkward silence for ten long, slow seconds. |
What are we supposed to say to each other? Should I break the ice? |
Shut up, Radhika. Shut the fuck up. You look, 'Brijesh paused, searching for an apt word, 'beautiful'. Could you do no better, Mr. Groom? Stop it, Radhika, I scolded myself.-Yeah, stop it, Radhika! I have to tell you about this bad habit of mine. I have this little person, this inner mini-me who keeps chattering about every situation or person around me. Sometimes, this mini-me overwhelms me so much I have to think hard to remember what just happened. 'Thank you,' I said. 'Thank you, Brijesh.' |
And what sort of a name is Brijesh? Can it be more unfashionable? Radhika, you are going to marry a guy called Brijesh. You will be Mrs. Brijesh Gulati. Thats terrible. Okay, stop it. Stop it, Radhika. |
Hes come a long way. He's a nice guy. That's what matters, right? 'Yellow looks nice on you,' Brijesh continued. Actually, yellow sucks on me, what with my famous wheatish complexion. I wore this because mom wanted a sunflower in the lobby when the Gulatis arrived. Okay, he is trying. 'Thanks', I said. |
Say more, you stupid girl. 'Your kurta is also nice,' I said. Duh, could you be more stupid? 'Hello, beta.' A man in his early fifties along with his wife came up to me. They seemed too enthusiastic to be complete strangers. It took me a second to place them. All right, they were my inlaws. Mr. Aadarsh Gulati and Mrs. Sulochana Gulati. Radhika, behave. |
Don't say anything stupid. Be like mom. Be like Aditi. What would Aditi didi do? She would touch their feet. Cmon, dive, then. I bent down. I touched the feet of people I had only Skyped twice in my life but who now deserved my total respect. My parents had met them several times, of course. Dad told me they were nice people. Nice people? How does anyone figure out nice people? Are there any nice people in this world? See, my mind won't stop chattering. Ever. 'How was your flight, uncle?' I said. 'Just one hour from Mumbai. Not like Brijesh, who has come from halfway across the world,' Aadarsh uncle said. |
You have organized buses for the bachelor parties? I said. |
Yes, ma'am. The buses will be there at 7.30 at the front entrance. I read further. |
Day 3: Bhajan and Puja in function room (4 p.m.) |
Day 4: Mehndicounters for all ladies in function room (12-6 p.m.) |
Day 5: Sangeet in function room (8 p.m.) |
The choreographer is here for the sangeet practice?' I said. |
No, ma'am. He will arrive in two days. He said thats enough time for practice.' I looked at the itinerary again. |
Day 6: Wedding at the Grand Ballroom and the Main Lawns (8 p.m.) |
Day 7: Checkouts and departures (12 noon) |
Suraj handed over the other sheets with details about each function and venue. 'Sorry about the rooms goof-up, madam. Everything is under control now,' he said. |
Suraj had just left when Brijesh came up behind me. 'This place is beautiful. Great idea to have a wedding in Goa', he said. His accent was 90 per cent Indian and 10 per cent American. |
From a distance I saw my parents at the Marriott entrance, greeting Brijesh's parents and their relatives with folded hands. |
I focused back on Brijesh. 'Thank you. I always wanted a destination wedding,' I said. Awkward silence for ten long, slow seconds. |
What are we supposed to say to each other? Should I break the ice? |
Shut up, Radhika. Shut the fuck up. You look, 'Brijesh paused, searching for an apt word, 'beautiful'. Could you do no better, Mr. Groom? Stop it, Radhika, I scolded myself.-Yeah, stop it, Radhika! I have to tell you about this bad habit of mine. I have this little person, this inner mini-me who keeps chattering about every situation or person around me. Sometimes, this mini-me overwhelms me so much I have to think hard to remember what just happened. 'Thank you,' I said. 'Thank you, Brijesh.' |
And what sort of a name is Brijesh? Can it be more unfashionable? Radhika, you are going to marry a guy called Brijesh. You will be Mrs. Brijesh Gulati. Thats terrible. Okay, stop it. Stop it, Radhika. |
Hes come a long way. He's a nice guy. That's what matters, right? 'Yellow looks nice on you,' Brijesh continued. Actually, yellow sucks on me, what with my famous wheatish complexion. I wore this because mom wanted a sunflower in the lobby when the Gulatis arrived. Okay, he is trying. 'Thanks', I said. |
Say more, you stupid girl. 'Your kurta is also nice,' I said. Duh, could you be more stupid? 'Hello, beta.' A man in his early fifties along with his wife came up to me. They seemed too enthusiastic to be complete strangers. It took me a second to place them. All right, they were my inlaws. Mr. Aadarsh Gulati and Mrs. Sulochana Gulati. Radhika, behave. |
Don't say anything stupid. Be like mom. Be like Aditi. What would Aditi didi do? She would touch their feet. Cmon, dive, then. I bent down. I touched the feet of people I had only Skyped twice in my life but who now deserved my total respect. My parents had met them several times, of course. Dad told me they were nice people. Nice people? How does anyone figure out nice people? Are there any nice people in this world? See, my mind won't stop chattering. Ever. 'How was your flight, uncle?' I said. 'Just one hour from Mumbai. Not like Brijesh, who has come from halfway across the world,' Aadarsh uncle said. |
You have organized buses for the bachelor parties? I said. |
Yes, ma'am. The buses will be there at 7.30 at the front entrance. I read further. |
Day 3: Bhajan and Puja in function room (4 p.m.) |
Day 4: Mehndicounters for all ladies in function room (12-6 p.m.) |
Day 5: Sangeet in function room (8 p.m.) |
The choreographer is here for the sangeet practice?' I said. |
No, ma'am. He will arrive in two days. He said thats enough time for practice.' I looked at the itinerary again. |
Day 6: Wedding at the Grand Ballroom and the Main Lawns (8 p.m.) |
Day 7: Checkouts and departures (12 noon) |
Suraj handed over the other sheets with details about each function and venue. 'Sorry about the rooms goof-up, madam. Everything is under control now,' he said. |
Suraj had just left when Brijesh came up behind me. 'This place is beautiful. Great idea to have a wedding in Goa', he said. His accent was 90 per cent Indian and 10 per cent American. |
From a distance I saw my parents at the Marriott entrance, greeting Brijesh's parents and their relatives with folded hands. |
I focused back on Brijesh. 'Thank you. I always wanted a destination wedding,' I said. Awkward silence for ten long, slow seconds. |
What are we supposed to say to each other? Should I break the ice? |
Shut up, Radhika. Shut the fuck up. You look, 'Brijesh paused, searching for an apt word, 'beautiful'. Could you do no better, Mr. Groom? Stop it, Radhika, I scolded myself.-Yeah, stop it, Radhika! I have to tell you about this bad habit of mine. I have this little person, this inner mini-me who keeps chattering about every situation or person around me. Sometimes, this mini-me overwhelms me so much I have to think hard to remember what just happened. 'Thank you,' I said. 'Thank you, Brijesh.' |
And what sort of a name is Brijesh? Can it be more unfashionable? Radhika, you are going to marry a guy called Brijesh. You will be Mrs. Brijesh Gulati. Thats terrible. Okay, stop it. Stop it, Radhika. |
Hes come a long way. He's a nice guy. That's what matters, right? 'Yellow looks nice on you,' Brijesh continued. Actually, yellow sucks on me, what with my famous wheatish complexion. I wore this because mom wanted a sunflower in the lobby when the Gulatis arrived. Okay, he is trying. 'Thanks', I said. |
Say more, you stupid girl. 'Your kurta is also nice,' I said. Duh, could you be more stupid? 'Hello, beta.' A man in his early fifties along with his wife came up to me. They seemed too enthusiastic to be complete strangers. It took me a second to place them. All right, they were my inlaws. Mr. Aadarsh Gulati and Mrs. Sulochana Gulati. Radhika, behave. |
Don't say anything stupid. Be like mom. Be like Aditi. What would Aditi didi do? She would touch their feet. Cmon, dive, then. I bent down. I touched the feet of people I had only Skyped twice in my life but who now deserved my total respect. My parents had met them several times, of course. Dad told me they were nice people. Nice people? How does anyone figure out nice people? Are there any nice people in this world? See, my mind won't stop chattering. Ever. 'How was your flight, uncle?' I said. 'Just one hour from Mumbai. Not like Brijesh, who has come from halfway across the world,' Aadarsh uncle said. |
You have organized buses for the bachelor parties? I said. |
Yes, ma'am. The buses will be there at 7.30 at the front entrance. I read further. |
Day 3: Bhajan and Puja in function room (4 p.m.) |
Day 4: Mehndicounters for all ladies in function room (12-6 p.m.) |
Day 5: Sangeet in function room (8 p.m.) |
The choreographer is here for the sangeet practice?' I said. |
No, ma'am. He will arrive in two days. He said thats enough time for practice.' I looked at the itinerary again. |
Day 6: Wedding at the Grand Ballroom and the Main Lawns (8 p.m.) |
Day 7: Checkouts and departures (12 noon) |
Suraj handed over the other sheets with details about each function and venue. 'Sorry about the rooms goof-up, madam. Everything is under control now,' he said. |
Suraj had just left when Brijesh came up behind me. 'This place is beautiful. Great idea to have a wedding in Goa', he said. His accent was 90 per cent Indian and 10 per cent American. |
From a distance I saw my parents at the Marriott entrance, greeting Brijesh's parents and their relatives with folded hands. |
I focused back on Brijesh. 'Thank you. I always wanted a destination wedding,' I said. Awkward silence for ten long, slow seconds. |
What are we supposed to say to each other? Should I break the ice? |
Shut up, Radhika. Shut the fuck up. You look, 'Brijesh paused, searching for an apt word, 'beautiful'. Could you do no better, Mr. Groom? Stop it, Radhika, I scolded myself.-Yeah, stop it, Radhika! I have to tell you about this bad habit of mine. I have this little person, this inner mini-me who keeps chattering about every situation or person around me. Sometimes, this mini-me overwhelms me so much I have to think hard to remember what just happened. 'Thank you,' I said. 'Thank you, Brijesh.' |
And what sort of a name is Brijesh? Can it be more unfashionable? Radhika, you are going to marry a guy called Brijesh. You will be Mrs. Brijesh Gulati. Thats terrible. Okay, stop it. Stop it, Radhika. |
Hes come a long way. He's a nice guy. That's what matters, right? 'Yellow looks nice on you,' Brijesh continued. Actually, yellow sucks on me, what with my famous wheatish complexion. I wore this because mom wanted a sunflower in the lobby when the Gulatis arrived. Okay, he is trying. 'Thanks', I said. |
Say more, you stupid girl. 'Your kurta is also nice,' I said. Duh, could you be more stupid? 'Hello, beta.' A man in his early fifties along with his wife came up to me. They seemed too enthusiastic to be complete strangers. It took me a second to place them. All right, they were my inlaws. Mr. Aadarsh Gulati and Mrs. Sulochana Gulati. Radhika, behave. |
Don't say anything stupid. Be like mom. Be like Aditi. What would Aditi didi do? She would touch their feet. Cmon, dive, then. I bent down. I touched the feet of people I had only Skyped twice in my life but who now deserved my total respect. My parents had met them several times, of course. Dad told me they were nice people. Nice people? How does anyone figure out nice people? Are there any nice people in this world? See, my mind won't stop chattering. Ever. 'How was your flight, uncle?' I said. 'Just one hour from Mumbai. Not like Brijesh, who has come from halfway across the world,' Aadarsh uncle said. |
The US House of Representatives has passed a bill that authorises financial and travel sanctions against Chinese officials who interfere in the process of selecting the successor to the (X), the exiled spiritual leader of (Y). |
Introduced by Congressman James P McGovern, Chairman of the House Rules Committee and the Congressional-Executive Commission on China, the bill was passed by an overwhelming vote of 392 to 22. |
The bill, if passed by the Senate and signed into law by the president, will also prohibit China from opening any new consulate in the US until Beijing allows Washington to open its diplomatic station in (Z), the Tibetan capital. According to the bill, the succession or reincarnation of Tibetan Buddhist leaders, including a future 15th Dalai Lama, is an exclusively religious matter that should be decided solely by the Tibetan Buddhist community. |
Under the draft legislation, Washington would freeze any American asset and ban US travel of Chinese officials if they are found to be involved in "identifying or installing" a Dalai Lama approved by Beijing. |
Addressing the House, Speaker Nancy Pelosi said the bill sends Beijing a clear signal that it will be held accountable for interfering in Tibet's religious and cultural affairs. |
The proposed legislation, she said, makes it clear that "Chinese officials who meddle in the process of recognising a new Dalai Lama will be subject to targeted sanctions, including those in the Global Magnitsky Act." The Global Magnitsky Act allows the US to sanction foreign government officials implicated in human rights abuses anywhere in the world. |
Pelosi said the bill deploys America's diplomatic weight to encourage a genuine dialogue between Tibetan leaders and Beijing. "It is unacceptable that the Chinese government still refuses to enter into a dialogue with Tibetan leaders...We are supporting the Tibetan people's right to religious freedom and genuine autonomy by formally establishing as US policy that the Tibetan Buddhist community has the exclusive right to choose its religious leaders, including a future 15th Dalai Lama," she said. |
Though introduced as a stand-alone piece of legislation, the bill serves as/an amendment to the Tibet Policy Act of 2002, which codified the US position of support for the Tibetan people. |
"Our bill updates and strengthens the Tibetan Policy Act of 2002 to address the challenges facing the Tibetan people. But perhaps as importantly, it reaffirms America's commitment to the idea that human rights matter. That we care about those who are oppressed, and we stand with those who are struggling for freedom," Congressman McGovern said on the House floor. "It should be clear that we support a positive and productive US-China relationship, but it is essential that the human rights of all the people of China are respected by their government," he asserted. |
Last year, the US Congress passed the Reciprocal Access to Tibet Act, demanding that American journalists, diplomats and tourists be given the same freedom to travel to Tibet that Chinese officials have to travel freely in the US. |
The US House of Representatives has passed a bill that authorises financial and travel sanctions against Chinese officials who interfere in the process of selecting the successor to the (X), the exiled spiritual leader of (Y). |
Introduced by Congressman James P McGovern, Chairman of the House Rules Committee and the Congressional-Executive Commission on China, the bill was passed by an overwhelming vote of 392 to 22. |
The bill, if passed by the Senate and signed into law by the president, will also prohibit China from opening any new consulate in the US until Beijing allows Washington to open its diplomatic station in (Z), the Tibetan capital. According to the bill, the succession or reincarnation of Tibetan Buddhist leaders, including a future 15th Dalai Lama, is an exclusively religious matter that should be decided solely by the Tibetan Buddhist community. |
Under the draft legislation, Washington would freeze any American asset and ban US travel of Chinese officials if they are found to be involved in "identifying or installing" a Dalai Lama approved by Beijing. |
Addressing the House, Speaker Nancy Pelosi said the bill sends Beijing a clear signal that it will be held accountable for interfering in Tibet's religious and cultural affairs. |
The proposed legislation, she said, makes it clear that "Chinese officials who meddle in the process of recognising a new Dalai Lama will be subject to targeted sanctions, including those in the Global Magnitsky Act." The Global Magnitsky Act allows the US to sanction foreign government officials implicated in human rights abuses anywhere in the world. |
Pelosi said the bill deploys America's diplomatic weight to encourage a genuine dialogue between Tibetan leaders and Beijing. "It is unacceptable that the Chinese government still refuses to enter into a dialogue with Tibetan leaders...We are supporting the Tibetan people's right to religious freedom and genuine autonomy by formally establishing as US policy that the Tibetan Buddhist community has the exclusive right to choose its religious leaders, including a future 15th Dalai Lama," she said. |
Though introduced as a stand-alone piece of legislation, the bill serves as/an amendment to the Tibet Policy Act of 2002, which codified the US position of support for the Tibetan people. |
"Our bill updates and strengthens the Tibetan Policy Act of 2002 to address the challenges facing the Tibetan people. But perhaps as importantly, it reaffirms America's commitment to the idea that human rights matter. That we care about those who are oppressed, and we stand with those who are struggling for freedom," Congressman McGovern said on the House floor. "It should be clear that we support a positive and productive US-China relationship, but it is essential that the human rights of all the people of China are respected by their government," he asserted. |
Last year, the US Congress passed the Reciprocal Access to Tibet Act, demanding that American journalists, diplomats and tourists be given the same freedom to travel to Tibet that Chinese officials have to travel freely in the US. |
The US House of Representatives has passed a bill that authorises financial and travel sanctions against Chinese officials who interfere in the process of selecting the successor to the (X), the exiled spiritual leader of (Y). |
Introduced by Congressman James P McGovern, Chairman of the House Rules Committee and the Congressional-Executive Commission on China, the bill was passed by an overwhelming vote of 392 to 22. |
The bill, if passed by the Senate and signed into law by the president, will also prohibit China from opening any new consulate in the US until Beijing allows Washington to open its diplomatic station in (Z), the Tibetan capital. According to the bill, the succession or reincarnation of Tibetan Buddhist leaders, including a future 15th Dalai Lama, is an exclusively religious matter that should be decided solely by the Tibetan Buddhist community. |
Under the draft legislation, Washington would freeze any American asset and ban US travel of Chinese officials if they are found to be involved in "identifying or installing" a Dalai Lama approved by Beijing. |
Addressing the House, Speaker Nancy Pelosi said the bill sends Beijing a clear signal that it will be held accountable for interfering in Tibet's religious and cultural affairs. |
The proposed legislation, she said, makes it clear that "Chinese officials who meddle in the process of recognising a new Dalai Lama will be subject to targeted sanctions, including those in the Global Magnitsky Act." The Global Magnitsky Act allows the US to sanction foreign government officials implicated in human rights abuses anywhere in the world. |
Pelosi said the bill deploys America's diplomatic weight to encourage a genuine dialogue between Tibetan leaders and Beijing. "It is unacceptable that the Chinese government still refuses to enter into a dialogue with Tibetan leaders...We are supporting the Tibetan people's right to religious freedom and genuine autonomy by formally establishing as US policy that the Tibetan Buddhist community has the exclusive right to choose its religious leaders, including a future 15th Dalai Lama," she said. |
Though introduced as a stand-alone piece of legislation, the bill serves as/an amendment to the Tibet Policy Act of 2002, which codified the US position of support for the Tibetan people. |
"Our bill updates and strengthens the Tibetan Policy Act of 2002 to address the challenges facing the Tibetan people. But perhaps as importantly, it reaffirms America's commitment to the idea that human rights matter. That we care about those who are oppressed, and we stand with those who are struggling for freedom," Congressman McGovern said on the House floor. "It should be clear that we support a positive and productive US-China relationship, but it is essential that the human rights of all the people of China are respected by their government," he asserted. |
Last year, the US Congress passed the Reciprocal Access to Tibet Act, demanding that American journalists, diplomats and tourists be given the same freedom to travel to Tibet that Chinese officials have to travel freely in the US. |
The US House of Representatives has passed a bill that authorises financial and travel sanctions against Chinese officials who interfere in the process of selecting the successor to the (X), the exiled spiritual leader of (Y). |
Introduced by Congressman James P McGovern, Chairman of the House Rules Committee and the Congressional-Executive Commission on China, the bill was passed by an overwhelming vote of 392 to 22. |
The bill, if passed by the Senate and signed into law by the president, will also prohibit China from opening any new consulate in the US until Beijing allows Washington to open its diplomatic station in (Z), the Tibetan capital. According to the bill, the succession or reincarnation of Tibetan Buddhist leaders, including a future 15th Dalai Lama, is an exclusively religious matter that should be decided solely by the Tibetan Buddhist community. |
Under the draft legislation, Washington would freeze any American asset and ban US travel of Chinese officials if they are found to be involved in "identifying or installing" a Dalai Lama approved by Beijing. |
Addressing the House, Speaker Nancy Pelosi said the bill sends Beijing a clear signal that it will be held accountable for interfering in Tibet's religious and cultural affairs. |
The proposed legislation, she said, makes it clear that "Chinese officials who meddle in the process of recognising a new Dalai Lama will be subject to targeted sanctions, including those in the Global Magnitsky Act." The Global Magnitsky Act allows the US to sanction foreign government officials implicated in human rights abuses anywhere in the world. |
Pelosi said the bill deploys America's diplomatic weight to encourage a genuine dialogue between Tibetan leaders and Beijing. "It is unacceptable that the Chinese government still refuses to enter into a dialogue with Tibetan leaders...We are supporting the Tibetan people's right to religious freedom and genuine autonomy by formally establishing as US policy that the Tibetan Buddhist community has the exclusive right to choose its religious leaders, including a future 15th Dalai Lama," she said. |
Though introduced as a stand-alone piece of legislation, the bill serves as/an amendment to the Tibet Policy Act of 2002, which codified the US position of support for the Tibetan people. |
"Our bill updates and strengthens the Tibetan Policy Act of 2002 to address the challenges facing the Tibetan people. But perhaps as importantly, it reaffirms America's commitment to the idea that human rights matter. That we care about those who are oppressed, and we stand with those who are struggling for freedom," Congressman McGovern said on the House floor. "It should be clear that we support a positive and productive US-China relationship, but it is essential that the human rights of all the people of China are respected by their government," he asserted. |
Last year, the US Congress passed the Reciprocal Access to Tibet Act, demanding that American journalists, diplomats and tourists be given the same freedom to travel to Tibet that Chinese officials have to travel freely in the US. |
The US House of Representatives has passed a bill that authorises financial and travel sanctions against Chinese officials who interfere in the process of selecting the successor to the (X), the exiled spiritual leader of (Y). |
Introduced by Congressman James P McGovern, Chairman of the House Rules Committee and the Congressional-Executive Commission on China, the bill was passed by an overwhelming vote of 392 to 22. |
The bill, if passed by the Senate and signed into law by the president, will also prohibit China from opening any new consulate in the US until Beijing allows Washington to open its diplomatic station in (Z), the Tibetan capital. According to the bill, the succession or reincarnation of Tibetan Buddhist leaders, including a future 15th Dalai Lama, is an exclusively religious matter that should be decided solely by the Tibetan Buddhist community. |
Under the draft legislation, Washington would freeze any American asset and ban US travel of Chinese officials if they are found to be involved in "identifying or installing" a Dalai Lama approved by Beijing. |
Addressing the House, Speaker Nancy Pelosi said the bill sends Beijing a clear signal that it will be held accountable for interfering in Tibet's religious and cultural affairs. |
The proposed legislation, she said, makes it clear that "Chinese officials who meddle in the process of recognising a new Dalai Lama will be subject to targeted sanctions, including those in the Global Magnitsky Act." The Global Magnitsky Act allows the US to sanction foreign government officials implicated in human rights abuses anywhere in the world. |
Pelosi said the bill deploys America's diplomatic weight to encourage a genuine dialogue between Tibetan leaders and Beijing. "It is unacceptable that the Chinese government still refuses to enter into a dialogue with Tibetan leaders...We are supporting the Tibetan people's right to religious freedom and genuine autonomy by formally establishing as US policy that the Tibetan Buddhist community has the exclusive right to choose its religious leaders, including a future 15th Dalai Lama," she said. |
Though introduced as a stand-alone piece of legislation, the bill serves as/an amendment to the Tibet Policy Act of 2002, which codified the US position of support for the Tibetan people. |
"Our bill updates and strengthens the Tibetan Policy Act of 2002 to address the challenges facing the Tibetan people. But perhaps as importantly, it reaffirms America's commitment to the idea that human rights matter. That we care about those who are oppressed, and we stand with those who are struggling for freedom," Congressman McGovern said on the House floor. "It should be clear that we support a positive and productive US-China relationship, but it is essential that the human rights of all the people of China are respected by their government," he asserted. |
Last year, the US Congress passed the Reciprocal Access to Tibet Act, demanding that American journalists, diplomats and tourists be given the same freedom to travel to Tibet that Chinese officials have to travel freely in the US. |
For some time now, concerns have been voiced over the ability of the once famed Indian statistical system to bring out credible and timely data. The government has only fuelled such doubts by repeatedly showing its discomfiture with data put out by the statistical system that is seemingly at odds with its projected narrative. The suppression of the periodic labour force survey for 2017-18 which showed that unemployment had touched a record high of 6.1 per cent, and the subsequent withdrawal of the consumption expenditure survey, which showed that consumption had declined between 2011-12 and 2017-18, only lend credence to the charge of political interference with the statistical system. |
On its part, the government has recently taken steps to restore the creditability of Indian statistics. It has set up a committee under the chairmanship of Pronab Sen, former chief statistician of India, and has included some academics who have questioned official statistics. The committees could begin by addressing various data issues such as the growing divergence between consumption expenditure estimates from the National Sample Survey and the National Account Statistics, the accuracy of the new GDP estimates by examining the Ministry of Corporate Affairs data, and the computation and application of deflators in GDP estimation. However, as Sen has told this newspaper, the committee's remit is limited it ends with the submission of good and timely data to the national statistical office. Thus, more needs to be done to restore the credibility of the statistical system. To begin with, the government should put in place a calendar for all data releases. To be sure, data such as the national accounts, the index of industrial production, and inflation are released regularly as per a pre-determined calendar. But such timelines have not been set for the release of the employment or consumption expenditure surveys. For instance, the idea behind having quarterly surveys of urban employment was to bring out data on the employment situation in the country more frequently, rather than once every five years. This would be a valuable input into policy making. Yet, rather than releasing them on a regular basis, the government has resorted to releasing them in an adhoc manner. Ensuring timely release of data would thus be the first step towards restoring the credibility of the statistical system. |
The Centre should also reconsider its position on the National Statistical Commission (NSC). As Sen has stated, the NSC bill essentially turns the NSC into a public sector undertaking with no powers of its own. Restoring the autonomy and powers of the NSC will go a long way in insulating the statistical system from the charge of political interference. |
For some time now, concerns have been voiced over the ability of the once famed Indian statistical system to bring out credible and timely data. The government has only fuelled such doubts by repeatedly showing its discomfiture with data put out by the statistical system that is seemingly at odds with its projected narrative. The suppression of the periodic labour force survey for 2017-18 which showed that unemployment had touched a record high of 6.1 per cent, and the subsequent withdrawal of the consumption expenditure survey, which showed that consumption had declined between 2011-12 and 2017-18, only lend credence to the charge of political interference with the statistical system. |
On its part, the government has recently taken steps to restore the creditability of Indian statistics. It has set up a committee under the chairmanship of Pronab Sen, former chief statistician of India, and has included some academics who have questioned official statistics. The committees could begin by addressing various data issues such as the growing divergence between consumption expenditure estimates from the National Sample Survey and the National Account Statistics, the accuracy of the new GDP estimates by examining the Ministry of Corporate Affairs data, and the computation and application of deflators in GDP estimation. However, as Sen has told this newspaper, the committee's remit is limited it ends with the submission of good and timely data to the national statistical office. Thus, more needs to be done to restore the credibility of the statistical system. To begin with, the government should put in place a calendar for all data releases. To be sure, data such as the national accounts, the index of industrial production, and inflation are released regularly as per a pre-determined calendar. But such timelines have not been set for the release of the employment or consumption expenditure surveys. For instance, the idea behind having quarterly surveys of urban employment was to bring out data on the employment situation in the country more frequently, rather than once every five years. This would be a valuable input into policy making. Yet, rather than releasing them on a regular basis, the government has resorted to releasing them in an adhoc manner. Ensuring timely release of data would thus be the first step towards restoring the credibility of the statistical system. |
The Centre should also reconsider its position on the National Statistical Commission (NSC). As Sen has stated, the NSC bill essentially turns the NSC into a public sector undertaking with no powers of its own. Restoring the autonomy and powers of the NSC will go a long way in insulating the statistical system from the charge of political interference. |
For some time now, concerns have been voiced over the ability of the once famed Indian statistical system to bring out credible and timely data. The government has only fuelled such doubts by repeatedly showing its discomfiture with data put out by the statistical system that is seemingly at odds with its projected narrative. The suppression of the periodic labour force survey for 2017-18 which showed that unemployment had touched a record high of 6.1 per cent, and the subsequent withdrawal of the consumption expenditure survey, which showed that consumption had declined between 2011-12 and 2017-18, only lend credence to the charge of political interference with the statistical system. |
On its part, the government has recently taken steps to restore the creditability of Indian statistics. It has set up a committee under the chairmanship of Pronab Sen, former chief statistician of India, and has included some academics who have questioned official statistics. The committees could begin by addressing various data issues such as the growing divergence between consumption expenditure estimates from the National Sample Survey and the National Account Statistics, the accuracy of the new GDP estimates by examining the Ministry of Corporate Affairs data, and the computation and application of deflators in GDP estimation. However, as Sen has told this newspaper, the committee's remit is limited it ends with the submission of good and timely data to the national statistical office. Thus, more needs to be done to restore the credibility of the statistical system. To begin with, the government should put in place a calendar for all data releases. To be sure, data such as the national accounts, the index of industrial production, and inflation are released regularly as per a pre-determined calendar. But such timelines have not been set for the release of the employment or consumption expenditure surveys. For instance, the idea behind having quarterly surveys of urban employment was to bring out data on the employment situation in the country more frequently, rather than once every five years. This would be a valuable input into policy making. Yet, rather than releasing them on a regular basis, the government has resorted to releasing them in an adhoc manner. Ensuring timely release of data would thus be the first step towards restoring the credibility of the statistical system. |
The Centre should also reconsider its position on the National Statistical Commission (NSC). As Sen has stated, the NSC bill essentially turns the NSC into a public sector undertaking with no powers of its own. Restoring the autonomy and powers of the NSC will go a long way in insulating the statistical system from the charge of political interference. |
For some time now, concerns have been voiced over the ability of the once famed Indian statistical system to bring out credible and timely data. The government has only fuelled such doubts by repeatedly showing its discomfiture with data put out by the statistical system that is seemingly at odds with its projected narrative. The suppression of the periodic labour force survey for 2017-18 which showed that unemployment had touched a record high of 6.1 per cent, and the subsequent withdrawal of the consumption expenditure survey, which showed that consumption had declined between 2011-12 and 2017-18, only lend credence to the charge of political interference with the statistical system. |
On its part, the government has recently taken steps to restore the creditability of Indian statistics. It has set up a committee under the chairmanship of Pronab Sen, former chief statistician of India, and has included some academics who have questioned official statistics. The committees could begin by addressing various data issues such as the growing divergence between consumption expenditure estimates from the National Sample Survey and the National Account Statistics, the accuracy of the new GDP estimates by examining the Ministry of Corporate Affairs data, and the computation and application of deflators in GDP estimation. However, as Sen has told this newspaper, the committee's remit is limited it ends with the submission of good and timely data to the national statistical office. Thus, more needs to be done to restore the credibility of the statistical system. To begin with, the government should put in place a calendar for all data releases. To be sure, data such as the national accounts, the index of industrial production, and inflation are released regularly as per a pre-determined calendar. But such timelines have not been set for the release of the employment or consumption expenditure surveys. For instance, the idea behind having quarterly surveys of urban employment was to bring out data on the employment situation in the country more frequently, rather than once every five years. This would be a valuable input into policy making. Yet, rather than releasing them on a regular basis, the government has resorted to releasing them in an adhoc manner. Ensuring timely release of data would thus be the first step towards restoring the credibility of the statistical system. |
The Centre should also reconsider its position on the National Statistical Commission (NSC). As Sen has stated, the NSC bill essentially turns the NSC into a public sector undertaking with no powers of its own. Restoring the autonomy and powers of the NSC will go a long way in insulating the statistical system from the charge of political interference. |
For some time now, concerns have been voiced over the ability of the once famed Indian statistical system to bring out credible and timely data. The government has only fuelled such doubts by repeatedly showing its discomfiture with data put out by the statistical system that is seemingly at odds with its projected narrative. The suppression of the periodic labour force survey for 2017-18 which showed that unemployment had touched a record high of 6.1 per cent, and the subsequent withdrawal of the consumption expenditure survey, which showed that consumption had declined between 2011-12 and 2017-18, only lend credence to the charge of political interference with the statistical system. |
On its part, the government has recently taken steps to restore the creditability of Indian statistics. It has set up a committee under the chairmanship of Pronab Sen, former chief statistician of India, and has included some academics who have questioned official statistics. The committees could begin by addressing various data issues such as the growing divergence between consumption expenditure estimates from the National Sample Survey and the National Account Statistics, the accuracy of the new GDP estimates by examining the Ministry of Corporate Affairs data, and the computation and application of deflators in GDP estimation. However, as Sen has told this newspaper, the committees remit is limited it ends with the submission of good and timely data to the national statistical office. Thus, more needs to be done to restore the credibility of the statistical system. To begin with, the government should put in place a calendar for all data releases. To be sure, data such as the national accounts, the index of industrial production, and inflation are released regularly as per a pre-determined calendar. But such timelines have not been set for the release of the employment or consumption expenditure surveys. For instance, the idea behind having quarterly surveys of urban employment was to bring out data on the employment situation in the country more frequently, rather than once every five years. This would be a valuable input into policy making. Yet, rather than releasing them on a regular basis, the government has resorted to releasing them in an adhoc manner. Ensuring timely release of data would thus be the first step towards restoring the credibility of the statistical system. |
The Centre should also reconsider its position on the National Statistical Commission (NSC). As Sen has stated, the NSC bill essentially turns the NSC into a public sector undertaking with no powers of its own. Restoring the autonomy and powers of the NSC will go a long way in insulating the statistical system from the charge of political interference. |
In a little more than a week, deaths due to (X) have multiplied by more than 20 times. Over a hundred people have succumbed to the mystery virus that originated in China's (Y) province and it has been confirmed in at least 10 other countries. The Chinese authorities have acknowledged that the virus has affected 4,500 people. But modeling by researchers at Imperial College London suggests that 70,000 to 100,000 people could be affected. The WHO, which last week desisted from describing the situation as a public health emergency, has asked countries in Southeast Asia to remain vigilant. The Indian government is reportedly considering steps to prepare for evacuating the country's nationals from this province China. The outbreak has evoked memories of the SARS epidemic of 2002-2003, which killed nearly 800 and affected more than 8,000 people worldwide. It was also ascribed to a similar virus and manifested similar symptoms fever, cough and shortness of breath. Antibiotics do not work against such viral pneumonia and there are no vaccines against them. However, there are reassuring differences between the situation in 2002-03 and the one today. For one, China's response to the current outbreak is markedly different from the way it dealt with SARS. In contrast to its secretive ways 17 years ago, Beijing informed the WHO, shared the virus's gene sequence with the world, imposed travel restrictions and quarantined 50 million people. Moreover, experts suggest that the current outbreak is not as virulent as the one in 2002-03 it has a mortality rate of less than 3 per cent as compared to SARS's death rate of nearly 10 per cent. But we are still looking at preliminary data, and scientists are likely to know the exact magnitude of the problem in the coming weeks. |
This virus is a zoonotic virus one that jumps from humans to animals. The WHO estimates that three out of four new diseases that have infected humans in the past decade have been transmitted by animals. Bats are known to be the carriers of virus such as Ebola, SARS and even the current virus. How such viruses spills over to humans is still not clear. But we do know that bush meat markets in China, Southeast Asia, Africa and other parts of the world provide conditions for such pathogens to proliferate. The recent virus is reported to have originated in a wet market in Wuhan. In a globalised world, chances of the flu spreading fast are high. But global cooperation to check such virus has, at best, been episodic. Viruses are a global challenge and its time they are seen as such. |
In a little more than a week, deaths due to (X) have multiplied by more than 20 times. Over a hundred people have succumbed to the mystery virus that originated in China's (Y) province and it has been confirmed in at least 10 other countries. The Chinese authorities have acknowledged that the virus has affected 4,500 people. But modeling by researchers at Imperial College London suggests that 70,000 to 100,000 people could be affected. The WHO, which last week desisted from describing the situation as a public health emergency, has asked countries in Southeast Asia to remain vigilant. The Indian government is reportedly considering steps to prepare for evacuating the country's nationals from this province China. The outbreak has evoked memories of the SARS epidemic of 2002-2003, which killed nearly 800 and affected more than 8,000 people worldwide. It was also ascribed to a similar virus and manifested similar symptoms fever, cough and shortness of breath. Antibiotics do not work against such viral pneumonia and there are no vaccines against them. However, there are reassuring differences between the situation in 2002-03 and the one today. For one, China's response to the current outbreak is markedly different from the way it dealt with SARS. In contrast to its secretive ways 17 years ago, Beijing informed the WHO, shared the virus's gene sequence with the world, imposed travel restrictions and quarantined 50 million people. Moreover, experts suggest that the current outbreak is not as virulent as the one in 2002-03 it has a mortality rate of less than 3 per cent as compared to SARS's death rate of nearly 10 per cent. But we are still looking at preliminary data, and scientists are likely to know the exact magnitude of the problem in the coming weeks. |
This virus is a zoonotic virus one that jumps from humans to animals. The WHO estimates that three out of four new diseases that have infected humans in the past decade have been transmitted by animals. Bats are known to be the carriers of virus such as Ebola, SARS and even the current virus. How such viruses spills over to humans is still not clear. But we do know that bush meat markets in China, Southeast Asia, Africa and other parts of the world provide conditions for such pathogens to proliferate. The recent virus is reported to have originated in a wet market in Wuhan. In a globalised world, chances of the flu spreading fast are high. But global cooperation to check such virus has, at best, been episodic. Viruses are a global challenge and its time they are seen as such. |
In a little more than a week, deaths due to (X) have multiplied by more than 20 times. Over a hundred people have succumbed to the mystery virus that originated in China's (Y) province and it has been confirmed in at least 10 other countries. The Chinese authorities have acknowledged that the virus has affected 4,500 people. But modeling by researchers at Imperial College London suggests that 70,000 to 100,000 people could be affected. The WHO, which last week desisted from describing the situation as a public health emergency, has asked countries in Southeast Asia to remain vigilant. The Indian government is reportedly considering steps to prepare for evacuating the country's nationals from this province China. The outbreak has evoked memories of the SARS epidemic of 2002-2003, which killed nearly 800 and affected more than 8,000 people worldwide. It was also ascribed to a similar virus and manifested similar symptoms fever, cough and shortness of breath. Antibiotics do not work against such viral pneumonia and there are no vaccines against them. However, there are reassuring differences between the situation in 2002-03 and the one today. For one, China's response to the current outbreak is markedly different from the way it dealt with SARS. In contrast to its secretive ways 17 years ago, Beijing informed the WHO, shared the virus's gene sequence with the world, imposed travel restrictions and quarantined 50 million people. Moreover, experts suggest that the current outbreak is not as virulent as the one in 2002-03 it has a mortality rate of less than 3 per cent as compared to SARS's death rate of nearly 10 per cent. But we are still looking at preliminary data, and scientists are likely to know the exact magnitude of the problem in the coming weeks. |
This virus is a zoonotic virus one that jumps from humans to animals. The WHO estimates that three out of four new diseases that have infected humans in the past decade have been transmitted by animals. Bats are known to be the carriers of virus such as Ebola, SARS and even the current virus. How such viruses spills over to humans is still not clear. But we do know that bush meat markets in China, Southeast Asia, Africa and other parts of the world provide conditions for such pathogens to proliferate. The recent virus is reported to have originated in a wet market in Wuhan. In a globalised world, chances of the flu spreading fast are high. But global cooperation to check such virus has, at best, been episodic. Viruses are a global challenge and its time they are seen as such. |
In a little more than a week, deaths due to (X) have multiplied by more than 20 times. Over a hundred people have succumbed to the mystery virus that originated in China's (Y) province and it has been confirmed in at least 10 other countries. The Chinese authorities have acknowledged that the virus has affected 4,500 people. But modeling by researchers at Imperial College London suggests that 70,000 to 100,000 people could be affected. The WHO, which last week desisted from describing the situation as a public health emergency, has asked countries in Southeast Asia to remain vigilant. The Indian government is reportedly considering steps to prepare for evacuating the country's nationals from this province China. The outbreak has evoked memories of the SARS epidemic of 2002-2003, which killed nearly 800 and affected more than 8,000 people worldwide. It was also ascribed to a similar virus and manifested similar symptoms fever, cough and shortness of breath. Antibiotics do not work against such viral pneumonia and there are no vaccines against them. However, there are reassuring differences between the situation in 2002-03 and the one today. For one, China's response to the current outbreak is markedly different from the way it dealt with SARS. In contrast to its secretive ways 17 years ago, Beijing informed the WHO, shared the virus's gene sequence with the world, imposed travel restrictions and quarantined 50 million people. Moreover, experts suggest that the current outbreak is not as virulent as the one in 2002-03 it has a mortality rate of less than 3 per cent as compared to SARS's death rate of nearly 10 per cent. But we are still looking at preliminary data, and scientists are likely to know the exact magnitude of the problem in the coming weeks. |
This virus is a zoonotic virus one that jumps from humans to animals. The WHO estimates that three out of four new diseases that have infected humans in the past decade have been transmitted by animals. Bats are known to be the carriers of virus such as Ebola, SARS and even the current virus. How such viruses spills over to humans is still not clear. But we do know that bush meat markets in China, Southeast Asia, Africa and other parts of the world provide conditions for such pathogens to proliferate. The recent virus is reported to have originated in a wet market in Wuhan. In a globalised world, chances of the flu spreading fast are high. But global cooperation to check such virus has, at best, been episodic. Viruses are a global challenge and its time they are seen as such. |
In a little more than a week, deaths due to (X) have multiplied by more than 20 times. Over a hundred people have succumbed to the mystery virus that originated in China's (Y) province and it has been confirmed in at least 10 other countries. The Chinese authorities have acknowledged that the virus has affected 4,500 people. But modeling by researchers at Imperial College London suggests that 70,000 to 100,000 people could be affected. The WHO, which last week desisted from describing the situation as a public health emergency, has asked countries in Southeast Asia to remain vigilant. The Indian government is reportedly considering steps to prepare for evacuating the country's nationals from this province China. The outbreak has evoked memories of the SARS epidemic of 2002-2003, which killed nearly 800 and affected more than 8,000 people worldwide. It was also ascribed to a similar virus and manifested similar symptoms fever, cough and shortness of breath. Antibiotics do not work against such viral pneumonia and there are no vaccines against them. However, there are reassuring differences between the situation in 2002-03 and the one today. For one, China's response to the current outbreak is markedly different from the way it dealt with SARS. In contrast to its secretive ways 17 years ago, Beijing informed the WHO, shared the virus's gene sequence with the world, imposed travel restrictions and quarantined 50 million people. Moreover, experts suggest that the current outbreak is not as virulent as the one in 2002-03 it has a mortality rate of less than 3 per cent as compared to SARS's death rate of nearly 10 per cent. But we are still looking at preliminary data, and scientists are likely to know the exact magnitude of the problem in the coming weeks. |
This virus is a zoonotic virus one that jumps from humans to animals. The WHO estimates that three out of four new diseases that have infected humans in the past decade have been transmitted by animals. Bats are known to be the carriers of virus such as Ebola, SARS and even the current virus. How such viruses spills over to humans is still not clear. But we do know that bush meat markets in China, Southeast Asia, Africa and other parts of the world provide conditions for such pathogens to proliferate. The recent virus is reported to have originated in a wet market in Wuhan. In a globalised world, chances of the flu spreading fast are high. But global cooperation to check such virus has, at best, been episodic. Viruses are a global challenge and its time they are seen as such. |
The government announced the introduction of the Social Stock Exchange (SSE) in the Indian capital market during 2019 Budget Presentation. |
Following this, the Securities and Exchange Board of India (SEBI) recently set up a panel to provide recommendations on the working and implementation of this concept. |
Impact investing is a unique form of investment which seeks to do social good by channelizing the market forces in a direction that addresses the pressing social issues. In order to achieve this goal, however, impact investors bear the task of striking a fine balance between two somewhat opposing imperatives, i.e., financial returns and social benefits. |
Impact investing lies at the crossroads between philanthropy and commerce and is a sort of hybrid which has an added objective of public welfare to go along with the conventional motive of attaining profits. |
SSE is a measure that will facilitate the investors objectives of achieving wide social impact through their investment. This exchange intends to list various social enterprises and voluntary organizations to enable them to mark their presence on a platform to raise the finances needed to sustain their working. |
In the absence of a SSE, the market lacks regulatory tools that can meticulously separate the social impact investors from their respective counterparts present in the stock exchange. These differences need to be drawn in an effective manner, failing which the social finance will not be able to achieve its stated objectives. This regulatory vacuum needs to be filled with significant rulemaking. |
One of the central functions of the SSE would be to assist these enterprises to commercialize their financing to enable them to raise their operations and reduce their dependency on grant funding. |
Secondly, the SSEs undertake the work of creating a separate marketplace for social finance, thereby differentiating them from the conventional financial market where the major aim of the investor is to obtain maximum return on their investment. |
The SSE can accomplish this by formulating listing criteria for the entities interested in listing on their platform; formulating rules to govern such transactions; laying down requirements to be complied with to stay listed; and establishing guidelines on the basis of which the investors would be permitted to ply their trade on the platform. |
Further, the SSE can lay down the mechanism for enforceability of its rules and the conditions for delisting. All such rulemaking processes will go a long way in concretising the difference between the conventional stock exchange and the SSE. |
The government announced the introduction of the Social Stock Exchange (SSE) in the Indian capital market during 2019 Budget Presentation. |
Following this, the Securities and Exchange Board of India (SEBI) recently set up a panel to provide recommendations on the working and implementation of this concept. |
Impact investing is a unique form of investment which seeks to do social good by channelizing the market forces in a direction that addresses the pressing social issues. In order to achieve this goal, however, impact investors bear the task of striking a fine balance between two somewhat opposing imperatives, i.e., financial returns and social benefits. |
Impact investing lies at the crossroads between philanthropy and commerce and is a sort of hybrid which has an added objective of public welfare to go along with the conventional motive of attaining profits. |
SSE is a measure that will facilitate the investors objectives of achieving wide social impact through their investment. This exchange intends to list various social enterprises and voluntary organizations to enable them to mark their presence on a platform to raise the finances needed to sustain their working. |
In the absence of a SSE, the market lacks regulatory tools that can meticulously separate the social impact investors from their respective counterparts present in the stock exchange. These differences need to be drawn in an effective manner, failing which the social finance will not be able to achieve its stated objectives. This regulatory vacuum needs to be filled with significant rulemaking. |
One of the central functions of the SSE would be to assist these enterprises to commercialize their financing to enable them to raise their operations and reduce their dependency on grant funding. |
Secondly, the SSEs undertake the work of creating a separate marketplace for social finance, thereby differentiating them from the conventional financial market where the major aim of the investor is to obtain maximum return on their investment. |
The SSE can accomplish this by formulating listing criteria for the entities interested in listing on their platform; formulating rules to govern such transactions; laying down requirements to be complied with to stay listed; and establishing guidelines on the basis of which the investors would be permitted to ply their trade on the platform. |
Further, the SSE can lay down the mechanism for enforceability of its rules and the conditions for delisting. All such rulemaking processes will go a long way in concretising the difference between the conventional stock exchange and the SSE. |
The government announced the introduction of the Social Stock Exchange (SSE) in the Indian capital market during 2019 Budget Presentation. |
Following this, the Securities and Exchange Board of India (SEBI) recently set up a panel to provide recommendations on the working and implementation of this concept. |
Impact investing is a unique form of investment which seeks to do social good by channelizing the market forces in a direction that addresses the pressing social issues. In order to achieve this goal, however, impact investors bear the task of striking a fine balance between two somewhat opposing imperatives, i.e., financial returns and social benefits. |
Impact investing lies at the crossroads between philanthropy and commerce and is a sort of hybrid which has an added objective of public welfare to go along with the conventional motive of attaining profits. |
SSE is a measure that will facilitate the investors objectives of achieving wide social impact through their investment. This exchange intends to list various social enterprises and voluntary organizations to enable them to mark their presence on a platform to raise the finances needed to sustain their working. |
In the absence of a SSE, the market lacks regulatory tools that can meticulously separate the social impact investors from their respective counterparts present in the stock exchange. These differences need to be drawn in an effective manner, failing which the social finance will not be able to achieve its stated objectives. This regulatory vacuum needs to be filled with significant rulemaking. |
One of the central functions of the SSE would be to assist these enterprises to commercialize their financing to enable them to raise their operations and reduce their dependency on grant funding. |
Secondly, the SSEs undertake the work of creating a separate marketplace for social finance, thereby differentiating them from the conventional financial market where the major aim of the investor is to obtain maximum return on their investment. |
The SSE can accomplish this by formulating listing criteria for the entities interested in listing on their platform; formulating rules to govern such transactions; laying down requirements to be complied with to stay listed; and establishing guidelines on the basis of which the investors would be permitted to ply their trade on the platform. |
Further, the SSE can lay down the mechanism for enforceability of its rules and the conditions for delisting. All such rulemaking processes will go a long way in concretising the difference between the conventional stock exchange and the SSE. |
The government announced the introduction of the Social Stock Exchange (SSE) in the Indian capital market during 2019 Budget Presentation. |
Following this, the Securities and Exchange Board of India (SEBI) recently set up a panel to provide recommendations on the working and implementation of this concept. |
Impact investing is a unique form of investment which seeks to do social good by channelizing the market forces in a direction that addresses the pressing social issues. In order to achieve this goal, however, impact investors bear the task of striking a fine balance between two somewhat opposing imperatives, i.e., financial returns and social benefits. |
Impact investing lies at the crossroads between philanthropy and commerce and is a sort of hybrid which has an added objective of public welfare to go along with the conventional motive of attaining profits. |
SSE is a measure that will facilitate the investors objectives of achieving wide social impact through their investment. This exchange intends to list various social enterprises and voluntary organizations to enable them to mark their presence on a platform to raise the finances needed to sustain their working. |
In the absence of a SSE, the market lacks regulatory tools that can meticulously separate the social impact investors from their respective counterparts present in the stock exchange. These differences need to be drawn in an effective manner, failing which the social finance will not be able to achieve its stated objectives. This regulatory vacuum needs to be filled with significant rulemaking. |
One of the central functions of the SSE would be to assist these enterprises to commercialize their financing to enable them to raise their operations and reduce their dependency on grant funding. |
Secondly, the SSEs undertake the work of creating a separate marketplace for social finance, thereby differentiating them from the conventional financial market where the major aim of the investor is to obtain maximum return on their investment. |
The SSE can accomplish this by formulating listing criteria for the entities interested in listing on their platform; formulating rules to govern such transactions; laying down requirements to be complied with to stay listed; and establishing guidelines on the basis of which the investors would be permitted to ply their trade on the platform. |
Further, the SSE can lay down the mechanism for enforceability of its rules and the conditions for delisting. All such rulemaking processes will go a long way in concretising the difference between the conventional stock exchange and the SSE. |
The government announced the introduction of the Social Stock Exchange (SSE) in the Indian capital market during 2019 Budget Presentation. |
Following this, the Securities and Exchange Board of India (SEBI) recently set up a panel to provide recommendations on the working and implementation of this concept. |
Impact investing is a unique form of investment which seeks to do social good by channelizing the market forces in a direction that addresses the pressing social issues. In order to achieve this goal, however, impact investors bear the task of striking a fine balance between two somewhat opposing imperatives, i.e., financial returns and social benefits. |
Impact investing lies at the crossroads between philanthropy and commerce and is a sort of hybrid which has an added objective of public welfare to go along with the conventional motive of attaining profits. |
SSE is a measure that will facilitate the investors objectives of achieving wide social impact through their investment. This exchange intends to list various social enterprises and voluntary organizations to enable them to mark their presence on a platform to raise the finances needed to sustain their working. |
In the absence of a SSE, the market lacks regulatory tools that can meticulously separate the social impact investors from their respective counterparts present in the stock exchange. These differences need to be drawn in an effective manner, failing which the social finance will not be able to achieve its stated objectives. This regulatory vacuum needs to be filled with significant rulemaking. |
One of the central functions of the SSE would be to assist these enterprises to commercialize their financing to enable them to raise their operations and reduce their dependency on grant funding. |
Secondly, the SSEs undertake the work of creating a separate marketplace for social finance, thereby differentiating them from the conventional financial market where the major aim of the investor is to obtain maximum return on their investment. |
The SSE can accomplish this by formulating listing criteria for the entities interested in listing on their platform; formulating rules to govern such transactions; laying down requirements to be complied with to stay listed; and establishing guidelines on the basis of which the investors would be permitted to ply their trade on the platform. |
Further, the SSE can lay down the mechanism for enforceability of its rules and the conditions for delisting. All such rulemaking processes will go a long way in concretising the difference between the conventional stock exchange and the SSE. |
Archaeologists have been busy digging out the treasures buried in Keeladi, a village in Sivaganga district of X, and historians and anthropologists are now Interpreting the rich finds from the Sangam era. |
This is the fifth phase of excavations, and it has revealed many more artefacts and engineering designs. |
The fourth phase had established that the antiquities unearthed here could date from the 6th century BCE to the 1st century CE. |
This is the first time that such a large-scale excavation on a 'habitational mount' has been carried out in Tamil Nadu. |
Some were all red, but many were black on one side and red on the other indicating Black and Red ware - a type of pottery in vogue more than 2,500 years ago, during the Sangam age. These small potsherds were the first outwards signs that gave a clue that something serious existed beneath the surface. |
The more than 5,000 antiquities suggest that this was on a different scale from the small tools, or burial mounds discovered until then. Keeladi was distinctive because it had far more 'structures' than other similar sites. |
Judging by the impressive water management infrastructure, their skilled craftsmanship, as evidenced by the tiny intricate boar seal (just about a centimetre in width), the thousands of black-and-red potsherds many with graffiti on them, this appears to have been a sophisticated society. |
Among the findings is an orange carnelian bead engraved with the image of a wild boar. Carnelian stones, from the quartz family, are not found in Tamil Nadu, but in the north-western parts of India. The engraved bead could date back 2,000 years. It hinted at the possibility of an ancient north-south trade link. |
Keeladi has yielded gold jewellery, hundreds of finely crafted beads of terracotta, glass and carnelian, and game pieces. The ancient Keeladians were obviously generating enough 'surplus', to afford to the extras: precious adornment, industry and leisure/fun. |
One piece of sculpture, an old woman's head shows loving attention to a somewhat incongruous detail. What makes the sculpture so special are the sagging cheeks of the woman, beautifully and realistically rendered. |
Keeladi also appears to have been an egalitarian society. One indication of this is the widespread presence of graffiti. Graffiti such as this is likely by commoners marking their property suggesting a highly literate population as opposed to rock cut edicts ordered by rulers. |
Water-management infrastructure predominated in the finds. Until now, at least three kinds of channels have been discovered: one was a shallow, broad channel about half a metre across, a few inches in height and about 6 metres thus far excavated in length lined with shards of broken terracotta roof tiles. |
Nearby there was a beautifully crafted terracotta pipe which appeared to feed into a strategically placed pot, which in turn was placed on top of another pot. |
The last type of channel was a closed channel, gently curved, with the curved portion buttressed with additional support, was this because the liquid was pressurised. This channel ran close to a small, square, brick-lined tank at the site. |
The different types of channels allude to different qualities of water being transported, the flat, broad, open channel could have been used to carry fresh water perhaps, where smell was not a concern. One possibility is that the closed channels were used to carry away smellier liquids sewage or effluent, maybe. |
During an earlier dig in Keeladi, archaeologists unearthed four parallel water channels which implied the movement of a lot of water far more than a single household could use. And the sheer numbers of channels discovered now there were several crisscrossing a 300 sq mtr stretch, suggest that this was an intense water-using site. The Keeladians were moving water strategically from place to place for some function. |
Archaeologists have been busy digging out the treasures buried in Keeladi, a village in Sivaganga district of X, and historians and anthropologists are now Interpreting the rich finds from the Sangam era. |
This is the fifth phase of excavations, and it has revealed many more artefacts and engineering designs. |
The fourth phase had established that the antiquities unearthed here could date from the 6th century BCE to the 1st century CE. |
This is the first time that such a large-scale excavation on a 'habitational mount' has been carried out in Tamil Nadu. |
Some were all red, but many were black on one side and red on the other indicating Black and Red ware - a type of pottery in vogue more than 2,500 years ago, during the Sangam age. These small potsherds were the first outwards signs that gave a clue that something serious existed beneath the surface. |
The more than 5,000 antiquities suggest that this was on a different scale from the small tools, or burial mounds discovered until then. Keeladi was distinctive because it had far more 'structures' than other similar sites. |
Judging by the impressive water management infrastructure, their skilled craftsmanship, as evidenced by the tiny intricate boar seal (just about a centimetre in width), the thousands of black-and-red potsherds many with graffiti on them, this appears to have been a sophisticated society. |
Among the findings is an orange carnelian bead engraved with the image of a wild boar. Carnelian stones, from the quartz family, are not found in Tamil Nadu, but in the north-western parts of India. The engraved bead could date back 2,000 years. It hinted at the possibility of an ancient north-south trade link. |
Keeladi has yielded gold jewellery, hundreds of finely crafted beads of terracotta, glass and carnelian, and game pieces. The ancient Keeladians were obviously generating enough 'surplus', to afford to the extras: precious adornment, industry and leisure/fun. |
One piece of sculpture, an old woman's head shows loving attention to a somewhat incongruous detail. What makes the sculpture so special are the sagging cheeks of the woman, beautifully and realistically rendered. |
Keeladi also appears to have been an egalitarian society. One indication of this is the widespread presence of graffiti. Graffiti such as this is likely by commoners marking their property suggesting a highly literate population as opposed to rock cut edicts ordered by rulers. |
Water-management infrastructure predominated in the finds. Until now, at least three kinds of channels have been discovered: one was a shallow, broad channel about half a metre across, a few inches in height and about 6 metres thus far excavated in length lined with shards of broken terracotta roof tiles. |
Nearby there was a beautifully crafted terracotta pipe which appeared to feed into a strategically placed pot, which in turn was placed on top of another pot. |
The last type of channel was a closed channel, gently curved, with the curved portion buttressed with additional support, was this because the liquid was pressurised. This channel ran close to a small, square, brick-lined tank at the site. |
The different types of channels allude to different qualities of water being transported, the flat, broad, open channel could have been used to carry fresh water perhaps, where smell was not a concern. One possibility is that the closed channels were used to carry away smellier liquids sewage or effluent, maybe. |
During an earlier dig in Keeladi, archaeologists unearthed four parallel water channels which implied the movement of a lot of water far more than a single household could use. And the sheer numbers of channels discovered now there were several crisscrossing a 300 sq mtr stretch, suggest that this was an intense water-using site. The Keeladians were moving water strategically from place to place for some function. |
Archaeologists have been busy digging out the treasures buried in Keeladi, a village in Sivaganga district of X, and historians and anthropologists are now Interpreting the rich finds from the Sangam era. |
This is the fifth phase of excavations, and it has revealed many more artefacts and engineering designs. |
The fourth phase had established that the antiquities unearthed here could date from the 6th century BCE to the 1st century CE. |
This is the first time that such a large-scale excavation on a 'habitational mount' has been carried out in Tamil Nadu. |
Some were all red, but many were black on one side and red on the other indicating Black and Red ware - a type of pottery in vogue more than 2,500 years ago, during the Sangam age. These small potsherds were the first outwards signs that gave a clue that something serious existed beneath the surface. |
The more than 5,000 antiquities suggest that this was on a different scale from the small tools, or burial mounds discovered until then. Keeladi was distinctive because it had far more 'structures' than other similar sites. |
Judging by the impressive water management infrastructure, their skilled craftsmanship, as evidenced by the tiny intricate boar seal (just about a centimetre in width), the thousands of black-and-red potsherds many with graffiti on them, this appears to have been a sophisticated society. |
Among the findings is an orange carnelian bead engraved with the image of a wild boar. Carnelian stones, from the quartz family, are not found in Tamil Nadu, but in the north-western parts of India. The engraved bead could date back 2,000 years. It hinted at the possibility of an ancient north-south trade link. |
Keeladi has yielded gold jewellery, hundreds of finely crafted beads of terracotta, glass and carnelian, and game pieces. The ancient Keeladians were obviously generating enough 'surplus', to afford to the extras: precious adornment, industry and leisure/fun. |
One piece of sculpture, an old woman's head shows loving attention to a somewhat incongruous detail. What makes the sculpture so special are the sagging cheeks of the woman, beautifully and realistically rendered. |
Keeladi also appears to have been an egalitarian society. One indication of this is the widespread presence of graffiti. Graffiti such as this is likely by commoners marking their property suggesting a highly literate population as opposed to rock cut edicts ordered by rulers. |
Water-management infrastructure predominated in the finds. Until now, at least three kinds of channels have been discovered: one was a shallow, broad channel about half a metre across, a few inches in height and about 6 metres thus far excavated in length lined with shards of broken terracotta roof tiles. |
Nearby there was a beautifully crafted terracotta pipe which appeared to feed into a strategically placed pot, which in turn was placed on top of another pot. |
The last type of channel was a closed channel, gently curved, with the curved portion buttressed with additional support, was this because the liquid was pressurised. This channel ran close to a small, square, brick-lined tank at the site. |
The different types of channels allude to different qualities of water being transported, the flat, broad, open channel could have been used to carry fresh water perhaps, where smell was not a concern. One possibility is that the closed channels were used to carry away smellier liquids sewage or effluent, maybe. |
During an earlier dig in Keeladi, archaeologists unearthed four parallel water channels which implied the movement of a lot of water far more than a single household could use. And the sheer numbers of channels discovered now there were several crisscrossing a 300 sq mtr stretch, suggest that this was an intense water-using site. The Keeladians were moving water strategically from place to place for some function. |
Archaeologists have been busy digging out the treasures buried in Keeladi, a village in Sivaganga district of X, and historians and anthropologists are now Interpreting the rich finds from the Sangam era. |
This is the fifth phase of excavations, and it has revealed many more artefacts and engineering designs. |
The fourth phase had established that the antiquities unearthed here could date from the 6th century BCE to the 1st century CE. |
This is the first time that such a large-scale excavation on a 'habitational mount' has been carried out in Tamil Nadu. |
Some were all red, but many were black on one side and red on the other indicating Black and Red ware - a type of pottery in vogue more than 2,500 years ago, during the Sangam age. These small potsherds were the first outwards signs that gave a clue that something serious existed beneath the surface. |
The more than 5,000 antiquities suggest that this was on a different scale from the small tools, or burial mounds discovered until then. Keeladi was distinctive because it had far more 'structures' than other similar sites. |
Judging by the impressive water management infrastructure, their skilled craftsmanship, as evidenced by the tiny intricate boar seal (just about a centimetre in width), the thousands of black-and-red potsherds many with graffiti on them, this appears to have been a sophisticated society. |
Among the findings is an orange carnelian bead engraved with the image of a wild boar. Carnelian stones, from the quartz family, are not found in Tamil Nadu, but in the north-western parts of India. The engraved bead could date back 2,000 years. It hinted at the possibility of an ancient north-south trade link. |
Keeladi has yielded gold jewellery, hundreds of finely crafted beads of terracotta, glass and carnelian, and game pieces. The ancient Keeladians were obviously generating enough 'surplus', to afford to the extras: precious adornment, industry and leisure/fun. |
One piece of sculpture, an old woman's head shows loving attention to a somewhat incongruous detail. What makes the sculpture so special are the sagging cheeks of the woman, beautifully and realistically rendered. |
Keeladi also appears to have been an egalitarian society. One indication of this is the widespread presence of graffiti. Graffiti such as this is likely by commoners marking their property suggesting a highly literate population as opposed to rock cut edicts ordered by rulers. |
Water-management infrastructure predominated in the finds. Until now, at least three kinds of channels have been discovered: one was a shallow, broad channel about half a metre across, a few inches in height and about 6 metres thus far excavated in length lined with shards of broken terracotta roof tiles. |
Nearby there was a beautifully crafted terracotta pipe which appeared to feed into a strategically placed pot, which in turn was placed on top of another pot. |
The last type of channel was a closed channel, gently curved, with the curved portion buttressed with additional support, was this because the liquid was pressurised. This channel ran close to a small, square, brick-lined tank at the site. |
The different types of channels allude to different qualities of water being transported, the flat, broad, open channel could have been used to carry fresh water perhaps, where smell was not a concern. One possibility is that the closed channels were used to carry away smellier liquids sewage or effluent, maybe. |
During an earlier dig in Keeladi, archaeologists unearthed four parallel water channels which implied the movement of a lot of water far more than a single household could use. And the sheer numbers of channels discovered now there were several crisscrossing a 300 sq mtr stretch, suggest that this was an intense water-using site. The Keeladians were moving water strategically from place to place for some function. |
Archaeologists have been busy digging out the treasures buried in Keeladi, a village in Sivaganga district of X, and historians and anthropologists are now Interpreting the rich finds from the Sangam era. |
This is the fifth phase of excavations, and it has revealed many more artefacts and engineering designs. |
The fourth phase had established that the antiquities unearthed here could date from the 6th century BCE to the 1st century CE. |
This is the first time that such a large-scale excavation on a 'habitational mount' has been carried out in Tamil Nadu. |
Some were all red, but many were black on one side and red on the other indicating Black and Red ware - a type of pottery in vogue more than 2,500 years ago, during the Sangam age. These small potsherds were the first outwards signs that gave a clue that something serious existed beneath the surface. |
The more than 5,000 antiquities suggest that this was on a different scale from the small tools, or burial mounds discovered until then. Keeladi was distinctive because it had far more 'structures' than other similar sites. |
Judging by the impressive water management infrastructure, their skilled craftsmanship, as evidenced by the tiny intricate boar seal (just about a centimetre in width), the thousands of black-and-red potsherds many with graffiti on them, this appears to have been a sophisticated society. |
Among the findings is an orange carnelian bead engraved with the image of a wild boar. Carnelian stones, from the quartz family, are not found in Tamil Nadu, but in the north-western parts of India. The engraved bead could date back 2,000 years. It hinted at the possibility of an ancient north-south trade link. |
Keeladi has yielded gold jewellery, hundreds of finely crafted beads of terracotta, glass and carnelian, and game pieces. The ancient Keeladians were obviously generating enough 'surplus', to afford to the extras: precious adornment, industry and leisure/fun. |
One piece of sculpture, an old woman's head shows loving attention to a somewhat incongruous detail. What makes the sculpture so special are the sagging cheeks of the woman, beautifully and realistically rendered. |
Keeladi also appears to have been an egalitarian society. One indication of this is the widespread presence of graffiti. Graffiti such as this is likely by commoners marking their property suggesting a highly literate population as opposed to rock cut edicts ordered by rulers. |
Water-management infrastructure predominated in the finds. Until now, at least three kinds of channels have been discovered: one was a shallow, broad channel about half a metre across, a few inches in height and about 6 metres thus far excavated in length lined with shards of broken terracotta roof tiles. |
Nearby there was a beautifully crafted terracotta pipe which appeared to feed into a strategically placed pot, which in turn was placed on top of another pot. |
The last type of channel was a closed channel, gently curved, with the curved portion buttressed with additional support, was this because the liquid was pressurised. This channel ran close to a small, square, brick-lined tank at the site. |
The different types of channels allude to different qualities of water being transported, the flat, broad, open channel could have been used to carry fresh water perhaps, where smell was not a concern. One possibility is that the closed channels were used to carry away smellier liquids sewage or effluent, maybe. |
During an earlier dig in Keeladi, archaeologists unearthed four parallel water channels which implied the movement of a lot of water far more than a single household could use. And the sheer numbers of channels discovered now there were several crisscrossing a 300 sq mtr stretch, suggest that this was an intense water-using site. The Keeladians were moving water strategically from place to place for some function. |
India's foreign trade policy 2020-2025 is expected to roll out early in 2020. The mandate is to accelerate exports from current $331 billion to $1 trillion. Geographical Indicators (GI) can be one of the most crucial and pragmatic instruments to achieve this target. |
The WTO Members and their nationals are progressively recognising that geographical-indicators are valuable marketing tools in the global economy. Basically, GIs, let's goods be identified as agricultural goods, natural goods or manufactured goods on the basis of location, thereby attaching a quality and reputation. This definition flows from Article 22.1 of the Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS). |
The concept emerged after certain countries started counterfeiting products for quick profits, thereby tarnishing the image of genuine products. This translated into a loss for producers and consumers both. |
A few examples of international Geographical Indicators include champagne (France), port wine (Portugal), etivaz and gruyere Cheese. (Switzerland), Idaho potatoes (USA), Vidalia Onions (USA) Darjeeling tea (India), Long-Ging Tea (China) and Jasmine Rice (Thailand). |
A few more include cheese and wine-spirits, meat and meat products like ham and salmon followed by oil and fat products such as olive oil. Many food processing industries, like cocoa and chocolate and tea processing are reaping the benefits of the GI policy. |
There is 'unequal provision or treatment' meted out to developing countries; as a result, they are unable to capitalise their true potential. GIs are a type of industrial property that identifies a good as originating from a particular place, where a given quality, reputation or other characteristics of the good are essentially attributable to its geographical origin. |
Much like trademarks, the economic rationale of GI is based on the 'information asymmetry' between buyers and sellers in the market and the role of reputation, conveyed through distinctive signs, in tackling such asymmetry. |
Thus, GI acts as a signalling device helping the producers to differentiate their products from competing products in the market and enabling them to build a reputation and goodwill around their products, which often fetch a premium price. |
For instance, champagne originated from a place in France and has been recognised as a product whose reputation for quality or authenticity is intimately linked to its geographical origin. The product has not only emerged a major product in its export basket but also helps in promotion of tourism and cultural heritage. |
Such examples are aplenty in India such as Kanjeevaram silk sarees, Pochampally Ikat. They can very well contribute to exports and popularity. What needs to be re-emphasised and negotiated is to provide such protection and equal treatment to developing countries like India whereby they can contribute to its foreign exchange as well as protect its exclusiveness, heritage and traditional skills of making such products. |
The issue has gathered momentum with the recognition of the TRIPS, whose full form is X on GIs as a form of IPR. This adequately enhanced the marketability of these products, and demonstrated that GIs have great potential to play a major role in trade between countries. |
This further increased the commercial significance of GIs which were not aware to many developing countries like India. It is at the same time not to say that GIs were insignificant in trade earlier. Quite to the contrary, the immense revenue potential of GIs necessitated their cross-border protection and thus these were included in the ambit of the TRIPS Agreement. |
The Article 22 of the Agreement, which forms the centrality of GI protection, provides for a general level of cross-border protection of GIs in the course of trade, which is extended to India and other developing countries. However, what distinguishes developed countries from India is a special provision. This provision was made under Article 23 of the TRIPS Agreement for protection of GIs in the form of wines and spirits. |
The major demandeurs of this kind of protection were the European countries with their very long tradition in making of wines and spirits. This special treatment to wines and spirits appears to be developed country-centric. Developing countries, including India, have raised this issue in the Doha Round and in the recent meetings at the WTO. They seek the same higher level of protection for all GIs as was given under Article 23 for wines and spirits. |
India's foreign trade policy 2020-2025 is expected to roll out early in 2020. The mandate is to accelerate exports from current $331 billion to $1 trillion. Geographical Indicators (GI) can be one of the most crucial and pragmatic instruments to achieve this target. |
The WTO Members and their nationals are progressively recognising that geographical-indicators are valuable marketing tools in the global economy. Basically, GIs, let's goods be identified as agricultural goods, natural goods or manufactured goods on the basis of location, thereby attaching a quality and reputation. This definition flows from Article 22.1 of the Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS). |
The concept emerged after certain countries started counterfeiting products for quick profits, thereby tarnishing the image of genuine products. This translated into a loss for producers and consumers both. |
A few examples of international Geographical Indicators include champagne (France), port wine (Portugal), etivaz and gruyere Cheese. (Switzerland), Idaho potatoes (USA), Vidalia Onions (USA) Darjeeling tea (India), Long-Ging Tea (China) and Jasmine Rice (Thailand). |
A few more include cheese and wine-spirits, meat and meat products like ham and salmon followed by oil and fat products such as olive oil. Many food processing industries, like cocoa and chocolate and tea processing are reaping the benefits of the GI policy. |
There is 'unequal provision or treatment' meted out to developing countries; as a result, they are unable to capitalise their true potential. GIs are a type of industrial property that identifies a good as originating from a particular place, where a given quality, reputation or other characteristics of the good are essentially attributable to its geographical origin. |
Much like trademarks, the economic rationale of GI is based on the 'information asymmetry' between buyers and sellers in the market and the role of reputation, conveyed through distinctive signs, in tackling such asymmetry. |
Thus, GI acts as a signalling device helping the producers to differentiate their products from competing products in the market and enabling them to build a reputation and goodwill around their products, which often fetch a premium price. |
For instance, champagne originated from a place in France and has been recognised as a product whose reputation for quality or authenticity is intimately linked to its geographical origin. The product has not only emerged a major product in its export basket but also helps in promotion of tourism and cultural heritage. |
Such examples are aplenty in India such as Kanjeevaram silk sarees, Pochampally Ikat. They can very well contribute to exports and popularity. What needs to be re-emphasised and negotiated is to provide such protection and equal treatment to developing countries like India whereby they can contribute to its foreign exchange as well as protect its exclusiveness, heritage and traditional skills of making such products. |
The issue has gathered momentum with the recognition of the TRIPS, whose full form is X on GIs as a form of IPR. This adequately enhanced the marketability of these products, and demonstrated that GIs have great potential to play a major role in trade between countries. |
This further increased the commercial significance of GIs which were not aware to many developing countries like India. It is at the same time not to say that GIs were insignificant in trade earlier. Quite to the contrary, the immense revenue potential of GIs necessitated their cross-border protection and thus these were included in the ambit of the TRIPS Agreement. |
The Article 22 of the Agreement, which forms the centrality of GI protection, provides for a general level of cross-border protection of GIs in the course of trade, which is extended to India and other developing countries. However, what distinguishes developed countries from India is a special provision. This provision was made under Article 23 of the TRIPS Agreement for protection of GIs in the form of wines and spirits. |
The major demandeurs of this kind of protection were the European countries with their very long tradition in making of wines and spirits. This special treatment to wines and spirits appears to be developed country-centric. Developing countries, including India, have raised this issue in the Doha Round and in the recent meetings at the WTO. They seek the same higher level of protection for all GIs as was given under Article 23 for wines and spirits. |
India's foreign trade policy 2020-2025 is expected to roll out early in 2020. The mandate is to accelerate exports from current $331 billion to $1 trillion. Geographical Indicators (GI) can be one of the most crucial and pragmatic instruments to achieve this target. |
The WTO Members and their nationals are progressively recognising that geographical-indicators are valuable marketing tools in the global economy. Basically, GIs, let's goods be identified as agricultural goods, natural goods or manufactured goods on the basis of location, thereby attaching a quality and reputation. This definition flows from Article 22.1 of the Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS). |
The concept emerged after certain countries started counterfeiting products for quick profits, thereby tarnishing the image of genuine products. This translated into a loss for producers and consumers both. |
A few examples of international Geographical Indicators include champagne (France), port wine (Portugal), etivaz and gruyere Cheese. (Switzerland), Idaho potatoes (USA), Vidalia Onions (USA) Darjeeling tea (India), Long-Ging Tea (China) and Jasmine Rice (Thailand). |
A few more include cheese and wine-spirits, meat and meat products like ham and salmon followed by oil and fat products such as olive oil. Many food processing industries, like cocoa and chocolate and tea processing are reaping the benefits of the GI policy. |
There is 'unequal provision or treatment' meted out to developing countries; as a result, they are unable to capitalise their true potential. GIs are a type of industrial property that identifies a good as originating from a particular place, where a given quality, reputation or other characteristics of the good are essentially attributable to its geographical origin. |
Much like trademarks, the economic rationale of GI is based on the 'information asymmetry' between buyers and sellers in the market and the role of reputation, conveyed through distinctive signs, in tackling such asymmetry. |
Thus, GI acts as a signalling device helping the producers to differentiate their products from competing products in the market and enabling them to build a reputation and goodwill around their products, which often fetch a premium price. |
For instance, champagne originated from a place in France and has been recognised as a product whose reputation for quality or authenticity is intimately linked to its geographical origin. The product has not only emerged a major product in its export basket but also helps in promotion of tourism and cultural heritage. |
Such examples are aplenty in India such as Kanjeevaram silk sarees, Pochampally Ikat. They can very well contribute to exports and popularity. What needs to be re-emphasised and negotiated is to provide such protection and equal treatment to developing countries like India whereby they can contribute to its foreign exchange as well as protect its exclusiveness, heritage and traditional skills of making such products. |
The issue has gathered momentum with the recognition of the TRIPS, whose full form is X on GIs as a form of IPR. This adequately enhanced the marketability of these products, and demonstrated that GIs have great potential to play a major role in trade between countries. |
This further increased the commercial significance of GIs which were not aware to many developing countries like India. It is at the same time not to say that GIs were insignificant in trade earlier. Quite to the contrary, the immense revenue potential of GIs necessitated their cross-border protection and thus these were included in the ambit of the TRIPS Agreement. |
The Article 22 of the Agreement, which forms the centrality of GI protection, provides for a general level of cross-border protection of GIs in the course of trade, which is extended to India and other developing countries. However, what distinguishes developed countries from India is a special provision. This provision was made under Article 23 of the TRIPS Agreement for protection of GIs in the form of wines and spirits. |
The major demandeurs of this kind of protection were the European countries with their very long tradition in making of wines and spirits. This special treatment to wines and spirits appears to be developed country-centric. Developing countries, including India, have raised this issue in the Doha Round and in the recent meetings at the WTO. They seek the same higher level of protection for all GIs as was given under Article 23 for wines and spirits. |
India's foreign trade policy 2020-2025 is expected to roll out early in 2020. The mandate is to accelerate exports from current $331 billion to $1 trillion. Geographical Indicators (GI) can be one of the most crucial and pragmatic instruments to achieve this target. |
The WTO Members and their nationals are progressively recognising that geographical-indicators are valuable marketing tools in the global economy. Basically, GIs, let's goods be identified as agricultural goods, natural goods or manufactured goods on the basis of location, thereby attaching a quality and reputation. This definition flows from Article 22.1 of the Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS). |
The concept emerged after certain countries started counterfeiting products for quick profits, thereby tarnishing the image of genuine products. This translated into a loss for producers and consumers both. |
A few examples of international Geographical Indicators include champagne (France), port wine (Portugal), etivaz and gruyere Cheese. (Switzerland), Idaho potatoes (USA), Vidalia Onions (USA) Darjeeling tea (India), Long-Ging Tea (China) and Jasmine Rice (Thailand). |
A few more include cheese and wine-spirits, meat and meat products like ham and salmon followed by oil and fat products such as olive oil. Many food processing industries, like cocoa and chocolate and tea processing are reaping the benefits of the GI policy. |
There is 'unequal provision or treatment' meted out to developing countries; as a result, they are unable to capitalise their true potential. GIs are a type of industrial property that identifies a good as originating from a particular place, where a given quality, reputation or other characteristics of the good are essentially attributable to its geographical origin. |
Much like trademarks, the economic rationale of GI is based on the 'information asymmetry' between buyers and sellers in the market and the role of reputation, conveyed through distinctive signs, in tackling such asymmetry. |
Thus, GI acts as a signalling device helping the producers to differentiate their products from competing products in the market and enabling them to build a reputation and goodwill around their products, which often fetch a premium price. |
For instance, champagne originated from a place in France and has been recognised as a product whose reputation for quality or authenticity is intimately linked to its geographical origin. The product has not only emerged a major product in its export basket but also helps in promotion of tourism and cultural heritage. |
Such examples are aplenty in India such as Kanjeevaram silk sarees, Pochampally Ikat. They can very well contribute to exports and popularity. What needs to be re-emphasised and negotiated is to provide such protection and equal treatment to developing countries like India whereby they can contribute to its foreign exchange as well as protect its exclusiveness, heritage and traditional skills of making such products. |
The issue has gathered momentum with the recognition of the TRIPS, whose full form is X on GIs as a form of IPR. This adequately enhanced the marketability of these products, and demonstrated that GIs have great potential to play a major role in trade between countries. |
This further increased the commercial significance of GIs which were not aware to many developing countries like India. It is at the same time not to say that GIs were insignificant in trade earlier. Quite to the contrary, the immense revenue potential of GIs necessitated their cross-border protection and thus these were included in the ambit of the TRIPS Agreement. |
The Article 22 of the Agreement, which forms the centrality of GI protection, provides for a general level of cross-border protection of GIs in the course of trade, which is extended to India and other developing countries. However, what distinguishes developed countries from India is a special provision. This provision was made under Article 23 of the TRIPS Agreement for protection of GIs in the form of wines and spirits. |
The major demandeurs of this kind of protection were the European countries with their very long tradition in making of wines and spirits. This special treatment to wines and spirits appears to be developed country-centric. Developing countries, including India, have raised this issue in the Doha Round and in the recent meetings at the WTO. They seek the same higher level of protection for all GIs as was given under Article 23 for wines and spirits. |
India's foreign trade policy 2020-2025 is expected to roll out early in 2020. The mandate is to accelerate exports from current $331 billion to $1 trillion. Geographical Indicators (GI) can be one of the most crucial and pragmatic instruments to achieve this target. |
The WTO Members and their nationals are progressively recognising that geographical-indicators are valuable marketing tools in the global economy. Basically, GIs, let's goods be identified as agricultural goods, natural goods or manufactured goods on the basis of location, thereby attaching a quality and reputation. This definition flows from Article 22.1 of the Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS). |
The concept emerged after certain countries started counterfeiting products for quick profits, thereby tarnishing the image of genuine products. This translated into a loss for producers and consumers both. |
A few examples of international Geographical Indicators include champagne (France), port wine (Portugal), etivaz and gruyere Cheese. (Switzerland), Idaho potatoes (USA), Vidalia Onions (USA) Darjeeling tea (India), Long-Ging Tea (China) and Jasmine Rice (Thailand). |
A few more include cheese and wine-spirits, meat and meat products like ham and salmon followed by oil and fat products such as olive oil. Many food processing industries, like cocoa and chocolate and tea processing are reaping the benefits of the GI policy. |
There is 'unequal provision or treatment' meted out to developing countries; as a result, they are unable to capitalise their true potential. GIs are a type of industrial property that identifies a good as originating from a particular place, where a given quality, reputation or other characteristics of the good are essentially attributable to its geographical origin. |
Much like trademarks, the economic rationale of GI is based on the 'information asymmetry' between buyers and sellers in the market and the role of reputation, conveyed through distinctive signs, in tackling such asymmetry. |
Thus, GI acts as a signalling device helping the producers to differentiate their products from competing products in the market and enabling them to build a reputation and goodwill around their products, which often fetch a premium price. |
For instance, champagne originated from a place in France and has been recognised as a product whose reputation for quality or authenticity is intimately linked to its geographical origin. The product has not only emerged a major product in its export basket but also helps in promotion of tourism and cultural heritage. |
Such examples are aplenty in India such as Kanjeevaram silk sarees, Pochampally Ikat. They can very well contribute to exports and popularity. What needs to be re-emphasised and negotiated is to provide such protection and equal treatment to developing countries like India whereby they can contribute to its foreign exchange as well as protect its exclusiveness, heritage and traditional skills of making such products. |
The issue has gathered momentum with the recognition of the TRIPS, whose full form is X on GIs as a form of IPR. This adequately enhanced the marketability of these products, and demonstrated that GIs have great potential to play a major role in trade between countries. |
This further increased the commercial significance of GIs which were not aware to many developing countries like India. It is at the same time not to say that GIs were insignificant in trade earlier. Quite to the contrary, the immense revenue potential of GIs necessitated their cross-border protection and thus these were included in the ambit of the TRIPS Agreement. |
The Article 22 of the Agreement, which forms the centrality of GI protection, provides for a general level of cross-border protection of GIs in the course of trade, which is extended to India and other developing countries. However, what distinguishes developed countries from India is a special provision. This provision was made under Article 23 of the TRIPS Agreement for protection of GIs in the form of wines and spirits. |
The major demandeurs of this kind of protection were the European countries with their very long tradition in making of wines and spirits. This special treatment to wines and spirits appears to be developed country-centric. Developing countries, including India, have raised this issue in the Doha Round and in the recent meetings at the WTO. They seek the same higher level of protection for all GIs as was given under Article 23 for wines and spirits. |
The first review of the Agenda 2030 or the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) adopted in 2015 was held in September, 2019 at the SDG Summit. It was preceded by a related review conference on the Addis Ababa Action Agenda of the third Financing for Development (FFD) Conference in April 2019. The two are held in parallel as the FFD process is aimed at garnering domestic and external sources of finance for achieving the SDGs. |
The progress made by India in implementing the SDGs was documented in India's first voluntary national review that was submitted to the High Level Political Forum on the SDGs in 2017. The report also highlighted the measures adopted to spruce up the domestic resources through mainly internal tax reforms. The second report on progress will be presented at the High Level Political Forum in 2020. |
As mentioned in the 2017 national review report, India is making the effort to ensure that its impressive growth trickles down to the last man standing through proactive state interventions. At both the review conferences, India in the United Nations (UN) highlighted the domestic actions and flagship schemes that have had a notable impact. |
NITI Aayog, whose full form is X, the nodal agency for implementing the SDGs, has launched the India Index, an online dashboard, which monitors the implementation of the SDGs at the state level. |
It also provides incentives to the states, bringing in competition to better their performance. As of now, the states of Himachal Pradesh, Kerala, Tamil Nadu and the union territories of Chandigarh and Puducherry are the front-runners with high composite scores, relating to thirteen of the seventeen goals that have been used to prepare the dashboard. Their scores are in the range of 65-69 of the total 100 points. On individual goals, the scores go much higher to states other than the front runners. Some states have even achieved the targets on individual goals. |
Earlier issues of the have-nots that were pushed onto to the agenda of the UN by countries of the South was often regarded as instances of the tyranny of the majority by the North. Notwithstanding the ideological turn to liberalism by many countries of the South, their issues did not fade away. |
"Embedded liberalism" therefore needed to find ways of addressing the quandaries of the new entrants to the liberal order. As a result of efforts from within the UN system, as well as flexible responses of the North and the South, a discursive middle ground on issues of development seems to have been arrived at. The FFD and SDG processes represent this middle ground. |
The beginning of this process was in the mid- 1990s, and the first notable achievement was the Monterrey Consensus of 2002, which, uniquely, was arrived at with the substantial involvement of Bretton Woods Institutions. It was accepted that the needs of the liberal South required special attention from the North, but that the South itself needed to do much more to address its issues and could choose its own ways to do so, |
That set the ball rolling for a renewed focus on the importance of the official development assistance (ODA), a fairer system of international taxation, etc., which had been a part of the Southern discourse for decades. The adoption of the SDGs even resulted in a complete revamping of the UN system for providing development assistance with the new system being unveiled in January 2019. |
The first review of the Agenda 2030 or the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) adopted in 2015 was held in September, 2019 at the SDG Summit. It was preceded by a related review conference on the Addis Ababa Action Agenda of the third Financing for Development (FFD) Conference in April 2019. The two are held in parallel as the FFD process is aimed at garnering domestic and external sources of finance for achieving the SDGs. |
The progress made by India in implementing the SDGs was documented in India's first voluntary national review that was submitted to the High Level Political Forum on the SDGs in 2017. The report also highlighted the measures adopted to spruce up the domestic resources through mainly internal tax reforms. The second report on progress will be presented at the High Level Political Forum in 2020. |
As mentioned in the 2017 national review report, India is making the effort to ensure that its impressive growth trickles down to the last man standing through proactive state interventions. At both the review conferences, India in the United Nations (UN) highlighted the domestic actions and flagship schemes that have had a notable impact. |
NITI Aayog, whose full form is X, the nodal agency for implementing the SDGs, has launched the India Index, an online dashboard, which monitors the implementation of the SDGs at the state level. |
It also provides incentives to the states, bringing in competition to better their performance. As of now, the states of Himachal Pradesh, Kerala, Tamil Nadu and the union territories of Chandigarh and Puducherry are the front-runners with high composite scores, relating to thirteen of the seventeen goals that have been used to prepare the dashboard. Their scores are in the range of 65-69 of the total 100 points. On individual goals, the scores go much higher to states other than the front runners. Some states have even achieved the targets on individual goals. |
Earlier issues of the have-nots that were pushed onto to the agenda of the UN by countries of the South was often regarded as instances of the tyranny of the majority by the North. Notwithstanding the ideological turn to liberalism by many countries of the South, their issues did not fade away. |
"Embedded liberalism" therefore needed to find ways of addressing the quandaries of the new entrants to the liberal order. As a result of efforts from within the UN system, as well as flexible responses of the North and the South, a discursive middle ground on issues of development seems to have been arrived at. The FFD and SDG processes represent this middle ground. |
The beginning of this process was in the mid- 1990s, and the first notable achievement was the Monterrey Consensus of 2002, which, uniquely, was arrived at with the substantial involvement of Bretton Woods Institutions. It was accepted that the needs of the liberal South required special attention from the North, but that the South itself needed to do much more to address its issues and could choose its own ways to do so, |
That set the ball rolling for a renewed focus on the importance of the official development assistance (ODA), a fairer system of international taxation, etc., which had been a part of the Southern discourse for decades. The adoption of the SDGs even resulted in a complete revamping of the UN system for providing development assistance with the new system being unveiled in January 2019. |
The first review of the Agenda 2030 or the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) adopted in 2015 was held in September, 2019 at the SDG Summit. It was preceded by a related review conference on the Addis Ababa Action Agenda of the third Financing for Development (FFD) Conference in April 2019. The two are held in parallel as the FFD process is aimed at garnering domestic and external sources of finance for achieving the SDGs. |
The progress made by India in implementing the SDGs was documented in India's first voluntary national review that was submitted to the High Level Political Forum on the SDGs in 2017. The report also highlighted the measures adopted to spruce up the domestic resources through mainly internal tax reforms. The second report on progress will be presented at the High Level Political Forum in 2020. |
As mentioned in the 2017 national review report, India is making the effort to ensure that its impressive growth trickles down to the last man standing through proactive state interventions. At both the review conferences, India in the United Nations (UN) highlighted the domestic actions and flagship schemes that have had a notable impact. |
NITI Aayog, whose full form is X, the nodal agency for implementing the SDGs, has launched the India Index, an online dashboard, which monitors the implementation of the SDGs at the state level. |
It also provides incentives to the states, bringing in competition to better their performance. As of now, the states of Himachal Pradesh, Kerala, Tamil Nadu and the union territories of Chandigarh and Puducherry are the front-runners with high composite scores, relating to thirteen of the seventeen goals that have been used to prepare the dashboard. Their scores are in the range of 65-69 of the total 100 points. On individual goals, the scores go much higher to states other than the front runners. Some states have even achieved the targets on individual goals. |
Earlier issues of the have-nots that were pushed onto to the agenda of the UN by countries of the South was often regarded as instances of the tyranny of the majority by the North. Notwithstanding the ideological turn to liberalism by many countries of the South, their issues did not fade away. |
"Embedded liberalism" therefore needed to find ways of addressing the quandaries of the new entrants to the liberal order. As a result of efforts from within the UN system, as well as flexible responses of the North and the South, a discursive middle ground on issues of development seems to have been arrived at. The FFD and SDG processes represent this middle ground. |
The beginning of this process was in the mid- 1990s, and the first notable achievement was the Monterrey Consensus of 2002, which, uniquely, was arrived at with the substantial involvement of Bretton Woods Institutions. It was accepted that the needs of the liberal South required special attention from the North, but that the South itself needed to do much more to address its issues and could choose its own ways to do so, |
That set the ball rolling for a renewed focus on the importance of the official development assistance (ODA), a fairer system of international taxation, etc., which had been a part of the Southern discourse for decades. The adoption of the SDGs even resulted in a complete revamping of the UN system for providing development assistance with the new system being unveiled in January 2019. |
The first review of the Agenda 2030 or the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) adopted in 2015 was held in September, 2019 at the SDG Summit. It was preceded by a related review conference on the Addis Ababa Action Agenda of the third Financing for Development (FFD) Conference in April 2019. The two are held in parallel as the FFD process is aimed at garnering domestic and external sources of finance for achieving the SDGs. |
The progress made by India in implementing the SDGs was documented in India's first voluntary national review that was submitted to the High Level Political Forum on the SDGs in 2017. The report also highlighted the measures adopted to spruce up the domestic resources through mainly internal tax reforms. The second report on progress will be presented at the High Level Political Forum in 2020. |
As mentioned in the 2017 national review report, India is making the effort to ensure that its impressive growth trickles down to the last man standing through proactive state interventions. At both the review conferences, India in the United Nations (UN) highlighted the domestic actions and flagship schemes that have had a notable impact. |
NITI Aayog, whose full form is X, the nodal agency for implementing the SDGs, has launched the India Index, an online dashboard, which monitors the implementation of the SDGs at the state level. |
It also provides incentives to the states, bringing in competition to better their performance. As of now, the states of Himachal Pradesh, Kerala, Tamil Nadu and the union territories of Chandigarh and Puducherry are the front-runners with high composite scores, relating to thirteen of the seventeen goals that have been used to prepare the dashboard. Their scores are in the range of 65-69 of the total 100 points. On individual goals, the scores go much higher to states other than the front runners. Some states have even achieved the targets on individual goals. |
Earlier issues of the have-nots that were pushed onto to the agenda of the UN by countries of the South was often regarded as instances of the tyranny of the majority by the North. Notwithstanding the ideological turn to liberalism by many countries of the South, their issues did not fade away. |
"Embedded liberalism" therefore needed to find ways of addressing the quandaries of the new entrants to the liberal order. As a result of efforts from within the UN system, as well as flexible responses of the North and the South, a discursive middle ground on issues of development seems to have been arrived at. The FFD and SDG processes represent this middle ground. |
The beginning of this process was in the mid- 1990s, and the first notable achievement was the Monterrey Consensus of 2002, which, uniquely, was arrived at with the substantial involvement of Bretton Woods Institutions. It was accepted that the needs of the liberal South required special attention from the North, but that the South itself needed to do much more to address its issues and could choose its own ways to do so, |
That set the ball rolling for a renewed focus on the importance of the official development assistance (ODA), a fairer system of international taxation, etc., which had been a part of the Southern discourse for decades. The adoption of the SDGs even resulted in a complete revamping of the UN system for providing development assistance with the new system being unveiled in January 2019. |
The first review of the Agenda 2030 or the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) adopted in 2015 was held in September, 2019 at the SDG Summit. It was preceded by a related review conference on the Addis Ababa Action Agenda of the third Financing for Development (FFD) Conference in April 2019. The two are held in parallel as the FFD process is aimed at garnering domestic and external sources of finance for achieving the SDGs. |
The progress made by India in implementing the SDGs was documented in India's first voluntary national review that was submitted to the High Level Political Forum on the SDGs in 2017. The report also highlighted the measures adopted to spruce up the domestic resources through mainly internal tax reforms. The second report on progress will be presented at the High Level Political Forum in 2020. |
As mentioned in the 2017 national review report, India is making the effort to ensure that its impressive growth trickles down to the last man standing through proactive state interventions. At both the review conferences, India in the United Nations (UN) highlighted the domestic actions and flagship schemes that have had a notable impact. |
NITI Aayog, whose full form is X, the nodal agency for implementing the SDGs, has launched the India Index, an online dashboard, which monitors the implementation of the SDGs at the state level. |
It also provides incentives to the states, bringing in competition to better their performance. As of now, the states of Himachal Pradesh, Kerala, Tamil Nadu and the union territories of Chandigarh and Puducherry are the front-runners with high composite scores, relating to thirteen of the seventeen goals that have been used to prepare the dashboard. Their scores are in the range of 65-69 of the total 100 points. On individual goals, the scores go much higher to states other than the front runners. Some states have even achieved the targets on individual goals. |
Earlier issues of the have-nots that were pushed onto to the agenda of the UN by countries of the South was often regarded as instances of "the tyranny of the majority" by the North. Notwithstanding the ideological turn to liberalism by many countries of the South, their issues did not fade away. |
"Embedded liberalism" therefore needed to find ways of addressing the quandaries of the new entrants to the liberal order. As a result of efforts from within the UN system, as well as flexible responses of the North and the South, a discursive middle ground on issues of development seems to have been arrived at. The FFD and SDG processes represent this middle ground. |
The beginning of this process was in the mid- 1990s, and the first notable achievement was the Monterrey Consensus of 2002, which, uniquely, was arrived at with the substantial involvement of Bretton Woods Institutions. It was accepted that the needs of the liberal South required special attention from the North, but that the South itself needed to do much more to address its issues and could choose its own ways to do so, |
That set the ball rolling for a renewed focus on the importance of the official development assistance (ODA), a fairer system of international taxation, etc., which had been a part of the Southern discourse for decades. The adoption of the SDGs even resulted in a complete revamping of the UN system for providing development assistance with the new system being unveiled in January 2019. |
Climate change is already affecting the entire world, with extreme weather conditions such as drought, heat waves, heavy rain, floods and landslides becoming more frequent, including in Europe. Other consequences of the rapidly changing climate include rising sea levels, ocean acidification and loss of biodiversity. |
In order to limit global warming to 1.5 degrees Celsius, a threshold the Intergovernmental Panel for Climate Change (IPCC) suggests is safe, carbon neutrality by mid-21st century is essential. This target is also laid down in the Paris agreement signed by 195 countries. |
The UK and France have, by legislation, decided to become net carbon neutral by 2050. The EU, too, is moving in that direction. |
Carbon Dioxide is an invisible, odourless and cumulative gas that stays in the atmosphere for centuries. |
While the carbon cycle is essential for life, beyond a certain concentration - it needs to be recognized as pollution because it causes undesirable heat-trapping effects that can produce regenerative feedback heating effects on the Earth ecosystem, beyond which, even the best of human efforts may not be adequate to reverse the slide. |
Thus, it can challenge the very survival of human species. Environmental Degradation and Climate Change are fast becoming global security issues and most nations are now finally waking up to the dangers. |
India is known to be one of the disaster-prone countries in the .world and its economy, health and security will be hugely affected by Climate Change. Being a tropical country, it will be severely affected at many levels through unpredictable weather events and flooding, frequent long droughts, rise in sea level and shortage of potable water. With frequent heat waves and steady loss of ecosystems, India is recognized as one of the most vulnerable countries to Climate Change in the World. |
Majority of the Indian population still occupies rural areas that directly depend on climate-sensitive sectors like agriculture, forests, and fisheries. These sectors are heavily dependent on natural resources such as water, biodiversity, mangroves, coastal zones, and grasslands. |
With increasing intensity and frequency of climatic disasters and changing weather patterns, the Indian cities too will face considerable stress. Climate Change will also have adverse impacts on food production, water supply, biodiversity, livelihoods and even national security for India. |
India has put forth some of the most ambitious climate targets at the Paris Conference. India is committed to reducing the emissions intensity of its GDP by 33-35% below 2005 level by 2030. India is also committed to achieving 40% of installed electric power capacity from 'non-fossil fuel' energy sources like solar, wind and biomass by 2030. |
Yet another important commitment is to create an additional carbon sink of 2.5-3 billion tonnes of CO2 sequestration capacity through additional forest and tree cover by 2030. The nation aims to adopt a more climate-friendly and cleaner path to achieve economic development than any country in the past. It needs to simultaneously balance - expanding electricity access and achieving its climate target. |
India needs to drastically reduce GHG emissions by reducing Carbon Footprint at the individual, community and organizational level and by implementing better Climate Change Mitigation and Adaptation Policies. India has also decided to rapidly shift to e-mobility across all segments by 2030.. |
It is time for India to move on to achieving net carbon neutrality. From the outset, India's position on climate change has emphasised the per capita principle; on grounds of equity, every human being should have the same right to emit carbon dioxide. |
Further, India would pursue a low carbon growth trajectory in relation to industrialised countries and ensure that its per capita emissions does not exceed theirs. Now that developed countries are aiming to achieve zero per capita carbon emission by 2050, by extrapolation, India's position should be that it would also achieve this around the same time. |
India has shown leadership in facilitating the Paris agreement, and making what then appeared a highly ambitious voluntary national commitment. This was followed by setting up the International Solar Alliance. |
The National Solar Mission was launched in 2010 with the target of generating 20,000 MW of solar power by 2020-22. This has already been achieved, and the goal is not to set up 100,000 MW of solar power by 2022 is now there. India would take renewable energy capacity to 450,000 MW. |
Climate change is already affecting the entire world, with extreme weather conditions such as drought, heat waves, heavy rain, floods and landslides becoming more frequent, including in Europe. Other consequences of the rapidly changing climate include rising sea levels, ocean acidification and loss of biodiversity. |
In order to limit global warming to 1.5 degrees Celsius, a threshold the Intergovernmental Panel for Climate Change (IPCC) suggests is safe, carbon neutrality by mid-21st century is essential. This target is also laid down in the Paris agreement signed by 195 countries. |
The UK and France have, by legislation, decided to become net carbon neutral by 2050. The EU, too, is moving in that direction. |
Carbon Dioxide is an invisible, odourless and cumulative gas that stays in the atmosphere for centuries. |
While the carbon cycle is essential for life, beyond a certain concentration - it needs to be recognized as pollution because it causes undesirable heat-trapping effects that can produce regenerative feedback heating effects on the Earth ecosystem, beyond which, even the best of human efforts may not be adequate to reverse the slide. |
Thus, it can challenge the very survival of human species. Environmental Degradation and Climate Change are fast becoming global security issues and most nations are now finally waking up to the dangers. |
India is known to be one of the disaster-prone countries in the .world and its economy, health and security will be hugely affected by Climate Change. Being a tropical country, it will be severely affected at many levels through unpredictable weather events and flooding, frequent long droughts, rise in sea level and shortage of potable water. With frequent heat waves and steady loss of ecosystems, India is recognized as one of the most vulnerable countries to Climate Change in the World. |
Majority of the Indian population still occupies rural areas that directly depend on climate-sensitive sectors like agriculture, forests, and fisheries. These sectors are heavily dependent on natural resources such as water, biodiversity, mangroves, coastal zones, and grasslands. |
With increasing intensity and frequency of climatic disasters and changing weather patterns, the Indian cities too will face considerable stress. Climate Change will also have adverse impacts on food production, water supply, biodiversity, livelihoods and even national security for India. |
India has put forth some of the most ambitious climate targets at the Paris Conference. India is committed to reducing the emissions intensity of its GDP by 33-35% below 2005 level by 2030. India is also committed to achieving 40% of installed electric power capacity from 'non-fossil fuel' energy sources like solar, wind and biomass by 2030. |
Yet another important commitment is to create an additional carbon sink of 2.5-3 billion tonnes of CO2 sequestration capacity through additional forest and tree cover by 2030. The nation aims to adopt a more climate-friendly and cleaner path to achieve economic development than any country in the past. It needs to simultaneously balance - expanding electricity access and achieving its climate target. |
India needs to drastically reduce GHG emissions by reducing Carbon Footprint at the individual, community and organizational level and by implementing better Climate Change Mitigation and Adaptation Policies. India has also decided to rapidly shift to e-mobility across all segments by 2030.. |
It is time for India to move on to achieving net carbon neutrality. From the outset, India's position on climate change has emphasised the per capita principle; on grounds of equity, every human being should have the same right to emit carbon dioxide. |
Further, India would pursue a low carbon growth trajectory in relation to industrialised countries and ensure that its per capita emissions does not exceed theirs. Now that developed countries are aiming to achieve zero per capita carbon emission by 2050, by extrapolation, India's position should be that it would also achieve this around the same time. |
India has shown leadership in facilitating the Paris agreement, and making what then appeared a highly ambitious voluntary national commitment. This was followed by setting up the International Solar Alliance. |
The National Solar Mission was launched in 2010 with the target of generating 20,000 MW of solar power by 2020-22. This has already been achieved, and the goal is not to set up 100,000 MW of solar power by 2022 is now there. India would take renewable energy capacity to 450,000 MW. |
Climate change is already affecting the entire world, with extreme weather conditions such as drought, heat waves, heavy rain, floods and landslides becoming more frequent, including in Europe. Other consequences of the rapidly changing climate include rising sea levels, ocean acidification and loss of biodiversity. |
In order to limit global warming to 1.5 degrees Celsius, a threshold the Intergovernmental Panel for Climate Change (IPCC) suggests is safe, carbon neutrality by mid-21st century is essential. This target is also laid down in the Paris agreement signed by 195 countries. |
The UK and France have, by legislation, decided to become net carbon neutral by 2050. The EU, too, is moving in that direction. |
Carbon Dioxide is an invisible, odourless and cumulative gas that stays in the atmosphere for centuries. |
While the carbon cycle is essential for life, beyond a certain concentration - it needs to be recognized as pollution because it causes undesirable heat-trapping effects that can produce regenerative feedback heating effects on the Earth ecosystem, beyond which, even the best of human efforts may not be adequate to reverse the slide. |
Thus, it can challenge the very survival of human species. Environmental Degradation and Climate Change are fast becoming global security issues and most nations are now finally waking up to the dangers. |
India is known to be one of the disaster-prone countries in the .world and its economy, health and security will be hugely affected by Climate Change. Being a tropical country, it will be severely affected at many levels through unpredictable weather events and flooding, frequent long droughts, rise in sea level and shortage of potable water. With frequent heat waves and steady loss of ecosystems, India is recognized as one of the most vulnerable countries to Climate Change in the World. |
Majority of the Indian population still occupies rural areas that directly depend on climate-sensitive sectors like agriculture, forests, and fisheries. These sectors are heavily dependent on natural resources such as water, biodiversity, mangroves, coastal zones, and grasslands. |
With increasing intensity and frequency of climatic disasters and changing weather patterns, the Indian cities too will face considerable stress. Climate Change will also have adverse impacts on food production, water supply, biodiversity, livelihoods and even national security for India. |
India has put forth some of the most ambitious climate targets at the Paris Conference. India is committed to reducing the emissions intensity of its GDP by 33-35% below 2005 level by 2030. India is also committed to achieving 40% of installed electric power capacity from 'non-fossil fuel' energy sources like solar, wind and biomass by 2030. |
Yet another important commitment is to create an additional carbon sink of 2.5-3 billion tonnes of CO2 sequestration capacity through additional forest and tree cover by 2030. The nation aims to adopt a more climate-friendly and cleaner path to achieve economic development than any country in the past. It needs to simultaneously balance - expanding electricity access and achieving its climate target. |
India needs to drastically reduce GHG emissions by reducing Carbon Footprint at the individual, community and organizational level and by implementing better Climate Change Mitigation and Adaptation Policies. India has also decided to rapidly shift to e-mobility across all segments by 2030.. |
It is time for India to move on to achieving net carbon neutrality. From the outset, India's position on climate change has emphasised the per capita principle; on grounds of equity, every human being should have the same right to emit carbon dioxide. |
Further, India would pursue a low carbon growth trajectory in relation to industrialised countries and ensure that its per capita emissions does not exceed theirs. Now that developed countries are aiming to achieve zero per capita carbon emission by 2050, by extrapolation, India's position should be that it would also achieve this around the same time. |
India has shown leadership in facilitating the Paris agreement, and making what then appeared a highly ambitious voluntary national commitment. This was followed by setting up the International Solar Alliance. |
The National Solar Mission was launched in 2010 with the target of generating 20,000 MW of solar power by 2020-22. This has already been achieved, and the goal is not to set up 100,000 MW of solar power by 2022 is now there. India would take renewable energy capacity to 450,000 MW. |
Climate change is already affecting the entire world, with extreme weather conditions such as drought, heat waves, heavy rain, floods and landslides becoming more frequent, including in Europe. Other consequences of the rapidly changing climate include rising sea levels, ocean acidification and loss of biodiversity. |
In order to limit global warming to 1.5 degrees Celsius, a threshold the Intergovernmental Panel for Climate Change (IPCC) suggests is safe, carbon neutrality by mid-21st century is essential. This target is also laid down in the Paris agreement signed by 195 countries. |
The UK and France have, by legislation, decided to become net carbon neutral by 2050. The EU, too, is moving in that direction. |
Carbon Dioxide is an invisible, odourless and cumulative gas that stays in the atmosphere for centuries. |
While the carbon cycle is essential for life, beyond a certain concentration - it needs to be recognized as pollution because it causes undesirable heat-trapping effects that can produce regenerative feedback heating effects on the Earth ecosystem, beyond which, even the best of human efforts may not be adequate to reverse the slide. |
Thus, it can challenge the very survival of human species. Environmental Degradation and Climate Change are fast becoming global security issues and most nations are now finally waking up to the dangers. |
India is known to be one of the disaster-prone countries in the .world and its economy, health and security will be hugely affected by Climate Change. Being a tropical country, it will be severely affected at many levels through unpredictable weather events and flooding, frequent long droughts, rise in sea level and shortage of potable water. With frequent heat waves and steady loss of ecosystems, India is recognized as one of the most vulnerable countries to Climate Change in the World. |
Majority of the Indian population still occupies rural areas that directly depend on climate-sensitive sectors like agriculture, forests, and fisheries. These sectors are heavily dependent on natural resources such as water, biodiversity, mangroves, coastal zones, and grasslands. |
With increasing intensity and frequency of climatic disasters and changing weather patterns, the Indian cities too will face considerable stress. Climate Change will also have adverse impacts on food production, water supply, biodiversity, livelihoods and even national security for India. |
India has put forth some of the most ambitious climate targets at the Paris Conference. India is committed to reducing the emissions intensity of its GDP by 33-35% below 2005 level by 2030. India is also committed to achieving 40% of installed electric power capacity from 'non-fossil fuel' energy sources like solar, wind and biomass by 2030. |
Yet another important commitment is to create an additional carbon sink of 2.5-3 billion tonnes of CO2 sequestration capacity through additional forest and tree cover by 2030. The nation aims to adopt a more climate-friendly and cleaner path to achieve economic development than any country in the past. It needs to simultaneously balance - expanding electricity access and achieving its climate target. |
India needs to drastically reduce GHG emissions by reducing Carbon Footprint at the individual, community and organizational level and by implementing better Climate Change Mitigation and Adaptation Policies. India has also decided to rapidly shift to e-mobility across all segments by 2030.. |
It is time for India to move on to achieving net carbon neutrality. From the outset, India's position on climate change has emphasised the per capita principle; on grounds of equity, every human being should have the same right to emit carbon dioxide. |
Further, India would pursue a low carbon growth trajectory in relation to industrialised countries and ensure that its per capita emissions does not exceed theirs. Now that developed countries are aiming to achieve zero per capita carbon emission by 2050, by extrapolation, India's position should be that it would also achieve this around the same time. |
India has shown leadership in facilitating the Paris agreement, and making what then appeared a highly ambitious voluntary national commitment. This was followed by setting up the International Solar Alliance. |
The National Solar Mission was launched in 2010 with the target of generating 20,000 MW of solar power by 2020-22. This has already been achieved, and the goal is not to set up 100,000 MW of solar power by 2022 is now there. India would take renewable energy capacity to 450,000 MW. |
Climate change is already affecting the entire world, with extreme weather conditions such as drought, heat waves, heavy rain, floods and landslides becoming more frequent, including in Europe. Other consequences of the rapidly changing climate include rising sea levels, ocean acidification and loss of biodiversity. |
In order to limit global warming to 1.5 degrees Celsius, a threshold the Intergovernmental Panel for Climate Change (IPCC) suggests is safe, carbon neutrality by mid-21st century is essential. This target is also laid down in the Paris agreement signed by 195 countries. |
The UK and France have, by legislation, decided to become net carbon neutral by 2050. The EU, too, is moving in that direction. |
Carbon Dioxide is an invisible, odourless and cumulative gas that stays in the atmosphere for centuries. |
While the carbon cycle is essential for life, beyond a certain concentration - it needs to be recognized as pollution because it causes undesirable heat-trapping effects that can produce regenerative feedback heating effects on the Earth ecosystem, beyond which, even the best of human efforts may not be adequate to reverse the slide. |
Thus, it can challenge the very survival of human species. Environmental Degradation and Climate Change are fast becoming global security issues and most nations are now finally waking up to the dangers. |
India is known to be one of the disaster-prone countries in the .world and its economy, health and security will be hugely affected by Climate Change. Being a tropical country, it will be severely affected at many levels through unpredictable weather events and flooding, frequent long droughts, rise in sea level and shortage of potable water. With frequent heat waves and steady loss of ecosystems, India is recognized as one of the most vulnerable countries to Climate Change in the World. |
Majority of the Indian population still occupies rural areas that directly depend on climate-sensitive sectors like agriculture, forests, and fisheries. These sectors are heavily dependent on natural resources such as water, biodiversity, mangroves, coastal zones, and grasslands. |
With increasing intensity and frequency of climatic disasters and changing weather patterns, the Indian cities too will face considerable stress. Climate Change will also have adverse impacts on food production, water supply, biodiversity, livelihoods and even national security for India. |
India has put forth some of the most ambitious climate targets at the Paris Conference. India is committed to reducing the emissions intensity of its GDP by 33-35% below 2005 level by 2030. India is also committed to achieving 40% of installed electric power capacity from 'non-fossil fuel' energy sources like solar, wind and biomass by 2030. |
Yet another important commitment is to create an additional carbon sink of 2.5-3 billion tonnes of CO2 sequestration capacity through additional forest and tree cover by 2030. The nation aims to adopt a more climate-friendly and cleaner path to achieve economic development than any country in the past. It needs to simultaneously balance - expanding electricity access and achieving its climate target. |
India needs to drastically reduce GHG emissions by reducing Carbon Footprint at the individual, community and organizational level and by implementing better Climate Change Mitigation and Adaptation Policies. India has also decided to rapidly shift to e-mobility across all segments by 2030.. |
It is time for India to move on to achieving net carbon neutrality. From the outset, India's position on climate change has emphasised the per capita principle; on grounds of equity, every human being should have the same right to emit carbon dioxide. |
Further, India would pursue a low carbon growth trajectory in relation to industrialised countries and ensure that its per capita emissions does not exceed theirs. Now that developed countries are aiming to achieve zero per capita carbon emission by 2050, by extrapolation, India's position should be that it would also achieve this around the same time. |
India has shown leadership in facilitating the Paris agreement, and making what then appeared a highly ambitious voluntary national commitment. This was followed by setting up the International Solar Alliance. |
The National Solar Mission was launched in 2010 with the target of generating 20,000 MW of solar power by 2020-22. This has already been achieved, and the goal is not to set up 100,000 MW of solar power by 2022 is now there. India would take renewable energy capacity to 450,000 MW. |
Distinguished lawyer (and my old college friend) Kapil Sibal is reported to have expressed the opinion that state governments are constitutionally obliged to implement the Citizenship Amendment Act, an opinion reportedly seconded by another distinguished lawyer, Salman Khurshid. Being an economist and not a lawyer, I feel hesitant to contest the views of these legal luminaries. But I am convinced that they cannot be right, for what they are saying violates a basic principle of jurisprudence the Nuremberg principle so named because of the trial at which it was enunciated. |
At the Nuremberg trial, where Nazi officials accused of various war crimes were being tried, the defence plea was that the accused were merely carrying out orders. This argument was rejected, and sentences were handed down on the principle that a person, no matter what the orders were, has to take responsibility for his or her actions. If an order was "illegal" or violated universally-accepted norms of basic humanity (such as not killing innocent people), then a person could not escape culpability simply by claiming that he or she was carrying out an order. |
The Nuremberg principle was not enunciated just to punish war criminals of a bygone era. It forms a cornerstone of any democratic jurisprudence, including our own. In its absence, nobody would ever be held culpable for any atrocity: A would say that he or she was acting under orders from B, B would likewise shift the blame to C and so on, until the ultimate source of authority is traced, if at all, to someone who may well be dead by then, as Hitler was at the time of the Nuremberg trial. |
The Nuremberg principle has a positive and a normative aspect. The positive aspect ensures that nobody escapes culpability for doing something illegal or inhuman. The normative aspect is that everyone must examine the legal and moral justifiability of any course of action that he or she is asked to follow. This is essential in a democracy if the exercise of power without responsibility, by merely pretending that the source of power lies elsewhere, is to be avoided. In fact we get exercised about corruption, and rightly so, but the exercise of "power without responsibility" is a massive form of "corruption" in the deepest sense. This is what the Nuremberg principle seeks to prevent. |
What is true of persons is also true of other entities, like state governments in the present case. If they consider an order to be against the law, or humanity, or, in the present instance, the Constitution, then they cannot be obliged to act upon it unquestioningly, even if the order has the sanction of Parliament. They would have to first test the constitutionality of the order in the Supreme Court (SC), as the government of Kerala has done with the CAA. |
Distinguished lawyer (and my old college friend) Kapil Sibal is reported to have expressed the opinion that state governments are constitutionally obliged to implement the Citizenship Amendment Act, an opinion reportedly seconded by another distinguished lawyer, Salman Khurshid. Being an economist and not a lawyer, I feel hesitant to contest the views of these legal luminaries. But I am convinced that they cannot be right, for what they are saying violates a basic principle of jurisprudence the Nuremberg principle so named because of the trial at which it was enunciated. |
At the Nuremberg trial, where Nazi officials accused of various war crimes were being tried, the defence plea was that the accused were merely carrying out orders. This argument was rejected, and sentences were handed down on the principle that a person, no matter what the orders were, has to take responsibility for his or her actions. If an order was "illegal" or violated universally-accepted norms of basic humanity (such as not killing innocent people), then a person could not escape culpability simply by claiming that he or she was carrying out an order. |
The Nuremberg principle was not enunciated just to punish war criminals of a bygone era. It forms a cornerstone of any democratic jurisprudence, including our own. In its absence, nobody would ever be held culpable for any atrocity: A would say that he or she was acting under orders from B, B would likewise shift the blame to C and so on, until the ultimate source of authority is traced, if at all, to someone who may well be dead by then, as Hitler was at the time of the Nuremberg trial. |
The Nuremberg principle has a positive and a normative aspect. The positive aspect ensures that nobody escapes culpability for doing something illegal or inhuman. The normative aspect is that everyone must examine the legal and moral justifiability of any course of action that he or she is asked to follow. This is essential in a democracy if the exercise of power without responsibility, by merely pretending that the source of power lies elsewhere, is to be avoided. In fact we get exercised about corruption, and rightly so, but the exercise of "power without responsibility" is a massive form of "corruption" in the deepest sense. This is what the Nuremberg principle seeks to prevent. |
What is true of persons is also true of other entities, like state governments in the present case. If they consider an order to be against the law, or humanity, or, in the present instance, the Constitution, then they cannot be obliged to act upon it unquestioningly, even if the order has the sanction of Parliament. They would have to first test the constitutionality of the order in the Supreme Court (SC), as the government of Kerala has done with the CAA. |
Distinguished lawyer (and my old college friend) Kapil Sibal is reported to have expressed the opinion that state governments are constitutionally obliged to implement the Citizenship Amendment Act, an opinion reportedly seconded by another distinguished lawyer, Salman Khurshid. Being an economist and not a lawyer, I feel hesitant to contest the views of these legal luminaries. But I am convinced that they cannot be right, for what they are saying violates a basic principle of jurisprudence the Nuremberg principle so named because of the trial at which it was enunciated. |
At the Nuremberg trial, where Nazi officials accused of various war crimes were being tried, the defence plea was that the accused were merely carrying out orders. This argument was rejected, and sentences were handed down on the principle that a person, no matter what the orders were, has to take responsibility for his or her actions. If an order was "illegal" or violated universally-accepted norms of basic humanity (such as not killing innocent people), then a person could not escape culpability simply by claiming that he or she was carrying out an order. |
The Nuremberg principle was not enunciated just to punish war criminals of a bygone era. It forms a cornerstone of any democratic jurisprudence, including our own. In its absence, nobody would ever be held culpable for any atrocity: A would say that he or she was acting under orders from B, B would likewise shift the blame to C and so on, until the ultimate source of authority is traced, if at all, to someone who may well be dead by then, as Hitler was at the time of the Nuremberg trial. |
The Nuremberg principle has a positive and a normative aspect. The positive aspect ensures that nobody escapes culpability for doing something illegal or inhuman. The normative aspect is that everyone must examine the legal and moral justifiability of any course of action that he or she is asked to follow. This is essential in a democracy if the exercise of power without responsibility, by merely pretending that the source of power lies elsewhere, is to be avoided. In fact we get exercised about corruption, and rightly so, but the exercise of "power without responsibility" is a massive form of "corruption" in the deepest sense. This is what the Nuremberg principle seeks to prevent. |
What is true of persons is also true of other entities, like state governments in the present case. If they consider an order to be against the law, or humanity, or, in the present instance, the Constitution, then they cannot be obliged to act upon it unquestioningly, even if the order has the sanction of Parliament. They would have to first test the constitutionality of the order in the Supreme Court (SC), as the government of Kerala has done with the CAA. |
Distinguished lawyer (and my old college friend) Kapil Sibal is reported to have expressed the opinion that state governments are constitutionally obliged to implement the Citizenship Amendment Act, an opinion reportedly seconded by another distinguished lawyer, Salman Khurshid. Being an economist and not a lawyer, I feel hesitant to contest the views of these legal luminaries. But I am convinced that they cannot be right, for what they are saying violates a basic principle of jurisprudence the Nuremberg principle so named because of the trial at which it was enunciated. |
At the Nuremberg trial, where Nazi officials accused of various war crimes were being tried, the defence plea was that the accused were merely carrying out orders. This argument was rejected, and sentences were handed down on the principle that a person, no matter what the orders were, has to take responsibility for his or her actions. If an order was "illegal" or violated universally-accepted norms of basic humanity (such as not killing innocent people), then a person could not escape culpability simply by claiming that he or she was carrying out an order. |
The Nuremberg principle was not enunciated just to punish war criminals of a bygone era. It forms a cornerstone of any democratic jurisprudence, including our own. In its absence, nobody would ever be held culpable for any atrocity: A would say that he or she was acting under orders from B, B would likewise shift the blame to C and so on, until the ultimate source of authority is traced, if at all, to someone who may well be dead by then, as Hitler was at the time of the Nuremberg trial. |
The Nuremberg principle has a positive and a normative aspect. The positive aspect ensures that nobody escapes culpability for doing something illegal or inhuman. The normative aspect is that everyone must examine the legal and moral justifiability of any course of action that he or she is asked to follow. This is essential in a democracy if the exercise of power without responsibility, by merely pretending that the source of power lies elsewhere, is to be avoided. In fact we get exercised about corruption, and rightly so, but the exercise of "power without responsibility" is a massive form of "corruption" in the deepest sense. This is what the Nuremberg principle seeks to prevent. |
What is true of persons is also true of other entities, like state governments in the present case. If they consider an order to be against the law, or humanity, or, in the present instance, the Constitution, then they cannot be obliged to act upon it unquestioningly, even if the order has the sanction of Parliament. They would have to first test the constitutionality of the order in the Supreme Court (SC), as the government of Kerala has done with the CAA. |
Distinguished lawyer (and my old college friend) Kapil Sibal is reported to have expressed the opinion that state governments are constitutionally obliged to implement the Citizenship Amendment Act, an opinion reportedly seconded by another distinguished lawyer, Salman Khurshid. Being an economist and not a lawyer, I feel hesitant to contest the views of these legal luminaries. But I am convinced that they cannot be right, for what they are saying violates a basic principle of jurisprudence the Nuremberg principle so named because of the trial at which it was enunciated. |
At the Nuremberg trial, where Nazi officials accused of various war crimes were being tried, the defence plea was that the accused were merely carrying out orders. This argument was rejected, and sentences were handed down on the principle that a person, no matter what the orders were, has to take responsibility for his or her actions. If an order was "illegal" or violated universally-accepted norms of basic humanity (such as not killing innocent people), then a person could not escape culpability simply by claiming that he or she was carrying out an order. |
The Nuremberg principle was not enunciated just to punish war criminals of a bygone era. It forms a cornerstone of any democratic jurisprudence, including our own. In its absence, nobody would ever be held culpable for any atrocity: A would say that he or she was acting under orders from B, B would likewise shift the blame to C and so on, until the ultimate source of authority is traced, if at all, to someone who may well be dead by then, as Hitler was at the time of the Nuremberg trial. |
The Nuremberg principle has a positive and a normative aspect. The positive aspect ensures that nobody escapes culpability for doing something illegal or inhuman. The normative aspect is that everyone must examine the legal and moral justifiability of any course of action that he or she is asked to follow. This is essential in a democracy if the exercise of power without responsibility, by merely pretending that the source of power lies elsewhere, is to be avoided. In fact we get exercised about corruption, and rightly so, but the exercise of "power without responsibility" is a massive form of "corruption" in the deepest sense. This is what the Nuremberg principle seeks to prevent. |
What is true of persons is also true of other entities, like state governments in the present case. If they consider an order to be against the law, or humanity, or, in the present instance, the Constitution, then they cannot be obliged to act upon it unquestioningly, even if the order has the sanction of Parliament. They would have to first test the constitutionality of the order in the Supreme Court (SC), as the government of Kerala has done with the CAA. |
The Supreme Court has done well to reinstate in service the woman staffer who had, in April last year, raised allegations of sexual misconduct against the then Chief Justice Ranjan Gogoi. The complainant, a junior assistant, had also claimed that she was victimised after making the accusations her services were terminated and her husband and brother-in-law suspended from the Delhi Police. The suspension orders of the court staffer's relatives were revoked in June last year. And on Wednesday, this paper reported that the SC has cleared the employee's arrears and she has proceeded on leave, after joining duty. All these may signal an end to some of the complainant's travails. The question, however, remains: Has the court done enough to bring satisfactory closure to the case that raised crucial issues of institutional propriety? |
A three-member panel comprising Justices SA Bobde, Indira Banerjee and Indu Malhotra was set up to probe the charges against CJI Gogoi. Given that a junior official of the court was ranged against the institution's highest functionary, the panel's first task should have been to institute procedures to mitigate this power asymmetry. But the panel seemed insensitive to this calling. It wound up the investigation in four days, three of which were spent in questioning the complainant. On the fourth day, the complainant withdrew from the probe, accusing the committee of not informing her about its procedures, denying her legal help and not providing her with a copy of her depositions before it. |
The SC does have a Gender Sensitisation and Internal Complaints Committee. But its mandate does not extend to "any female who is governed by the Supreme Court's service regulations". Women employees of the court can ask the CJI to invoke the "In-House Procedure" to address sexual harassment complaints. But this procedure, formulated in 1999 is, at best, a self-regulatory method to pull up sitting judges for "bad behaviour". Moreover, it's an arbitrary method which allows the panel to devise its own processes that is what seems to have happened in CJI Gogoi's case. After the complainant withdrew from the probe, the panel proceeded ex parte and did not reveal its report that exonerated Gogoi. In doing so, the panel not only went against the jurisprudence on gender justice encapsulated in several of the SC's own verdicts, it also flouted the principles of natural justice. The Court's decision to reinstate the complainant is a partial redemption. The Supreme Court remains poorer for the lack of an institutional mechanism to address any complaints of sexual misconduct against its highest functionaries. |
The Supreme Court has done well to reinstate in service the woman staffer who had, in April last year, raised allegations of sexual misconduct against the then Chief Justice Ranjan Gogoi. The complainant, a junior assistant, had also claimed that she was victimised after making the accusations her services were terminated and her husband and brother-in-law suspended from the Delhi Police. The suspension orders of the court staffer's relatives were revoked in June last year. And on Wednesday, this paper reported that the SC has cleared the employee's arrears and she has proceeded on leave, after joining duty. All these may signal an end to some of the complainant's travails. The question, however, remains: Has the court done enough to bring satisfactory closure to the case that raised crucial issues of institutional propriety? |
A three-member panel comprising Justices SA Bobde, Indira Banerjee and Indu Malhotra was set up to probe the charges against CJI Gogoi. Given that a junior official of the court was ranged against the institution's highest functionary, the panel's first task should have been to institute procedures to mitigate this power asymmetry. But the panel seemed insensitive to this calling. It wound up the investigation in four days, three of which were spent in questioning the complainant. On the fourth day, the complainant withdrew from the probe, accusing the committee of not informing her about its procedures, denying her legal help and not providing her with a copy of her depositions before it. |
The SC does have a Gender Sensitisation and Internal Complaints Committee. But its mandate does not extend to "any female who is governed by the Supreme Court's service regulations". Women employees of the court can ask the CJI to invoke the "In-House Procedure" to address sexual harassment complaints. But this procedure, formulated in 1999 is, at best, a self-regulatory method to pull up sitting judges for "bad behaviour". Moreover, it's an arbitrary method which allows the panel to devise its own processes that is what seems to have happened in CJI Gogoi's case. After the complainant withdrew from the probe, the panel proceeded ex parte and did not reveal its report that exonerated Gogoi. In doing so, the panel not only went against the jurisprudence on gender justice encapsulated in several of the SC's own verdicts, it also flouted the principles of natural justice. The Court's decision to reinstate the complainant is a partial redemption. The Supreme Court remains poorer for the lack of an institutional mechanism to address any complaints of sexual misconduct against its highest functionaries. |
The Supreme Court has done well to reinstate in service the woman staffer who had, in April last year, raised allegations of sexual misconduct against the then Chief Justice Ranjan Gogoi. The complainant, a junior assistant, had also claimed that she was victimised after making the accusations her services were terminated and her husband and brother-in-law suspended from the Delhi Police. The suspension orders of the court staffer's relatives were revoked in June last year. And on Wednesday, this paper reported that the SC has cleared the employee's arrears and she has proceeded on leave, after joining duty. All these may signal an end to some of the complainant's travails. The question, however, remains: Has the court done enough to bring satisfactory closure to the case that raised crucial issues of institutional propriety? |
A three-member panel comprising Justices SA Bobde, Indira Banerjee and Indu Malhotra was set up to probe the charges against CJI Gogoi. Given that a junior official of the court was ranged against the institution's highest functionary, the panel's first task should have been to institute procedures to mitigate this power asymmetry. But the panel seemed insensitive to this calling. It wound up the investigation in four days, three of which were spent in questioning the complainant. On the fourth day, the complainant withdrew from the probe, accusing the committee of not informing her about its procedures, denying her legal help and not providing her with a copy of her depositions before it. |
The SC does have a Gender Sensitisation and Internal Complaints Committee. But its mandate does not extend to "any female who is governed by the Supreme Court's service regulations". Women employees of the court can ask the CJI to invoke the "In-House Procedure" to address sexual harassment complaints. But this procedure, formulated in 1999 is, at best, a self-regulatory method to pull up sitting judges for "bad behaviour". Moreover, it's an arbitrary method which allows the panel to devise its own processes that is what seems to have happened in CJI Gogoi's case. After the complainant withdrew from the probe, the panel proceeded ex parte and did not reveal its report that exonerated Gogoi. In doing so, the panel not only went against the jurisprudence on gender justice encapsulated in several of the SC's own verdicts, it also flouted the principles of natural justice. The Court's decision to reinstate the complainant is a partial redemption. The Supreme Court remains poorer for the lack of an institutional mechanism to address any complaints of sexual misconduct against its highest functionaries. |
The Supreme Court has done well to reinstate in service the woman staffer who had, in April last year, raised allegations of sexual misconduct against the then Chief Justice Ranjan Gogoi. The complainant, a junior assistant, had also claimed that she was victimised after making the accusations her services were terminated and her husband and brother-in-law suspended from the Delhi Police. The suspension orders of the court staffer's relatives were revoked in June last year. And on Wednesday, this paper reported that the SC has cleared the employee's arrears and she has proceeded on leave, after joining duty. All these may signal an end to some of the complainant's travails. The question, however, remains: Has the court done enough to bring satisfactory closure to the case that raised crucial issues of institutional propriety? |
A three-member panel comprising Justices SA Bobde, Indira Banerjee and Indu Malhotra was set up to probe the charges against CJI Gogoi. Given that a junior official of the court was ranged against the institution's highest functionary, the panel's first task should have been to institute procedures to mitigate this power asymmetry. But the panel seemed insensitive to this calling. It wound up the investigation in four days, three of which were spent in questioning the complainant. On the fourth day, the complainant withdrew from the probe, accusing the committee of not informing her about its procedures, denying her legal help and not providing her with a copy of her depositions before it. |
The SC does have a Gender Sensitisation and Internal Complaints Committee. But its mandate does not extend to "any female who is governed by the Supreme Court's service regulations". Women employees of the court can ask the CJI to invoke the "In-House Procedure" to address sexual harassment complaints. But this procedure, formulated in 1999 is, at best, a self-regulatory method to pull up sitting judges for "bad behaviour". Moreover, it's an arbitrary method which allows the panel to devise its own processes that is what seems to have happened in CJI Gogoi's case. After the complainant withdrew from the probe, the panel proceeded ex parte and did not reveal its report that exonerated Gogoi. In doing so, the panel not only went against the jurisprudence on gender justice encapsulated in several of the SC's own verdicts, it also flouted the principles of natural justice. The Court's decision to reinstate the complainant is a partial redemption. The Supreme Court remains poorer for the lack of an institutional mechanism to address any complaints of sexual misconduct against its highest functionaries. |
The Supreme Court has done well to reinstate in service the woman staffer who had, in April last year, raised allegations of sexual misconduct against the then Chief Justice Ranjan Gogoi. The complainant, a junior assistant, had also claimed that she was victimised after making the accusations her services were terminated and her husband and brother-in-law suspended from the Delhi Police. The suspension orders of the court staffer's relatives were revoked in June last year. And on Wednesday, this paper reported that the SC has cleared the employee's arrears and she has proceeded on leave, after joining duty. All these may signal an end to some of the complainant's travails. The question, however, remains: Has the court done enough to bring satisfactory closure to the case that raised crucial issues of institutional propriety? |
A three-member panel comprising Justices SA Bobde, Indira Banerjee and Indu Malhotra was set up to probe the charges against CJI Gogoi. Given that a junior official of the court was ranged against the institution's highest functionary, the panel's first task should have been to institute procedures to mitigate this power asymmetry. But the panel seemed insensitive to this calling. It wound up the investigation in four days, three of which were spent in questioning the complainant. On the fourth day, the complainant withdrew from the probe, accusing the committee of not informing her about its procedures, denying her legal help and not providing her with a copy of her depositions before it. |
The SC does have a Gender Sensitisation and Internal Complaints Committee. But its mandate does not extend to "any female who is governed by the Supreme Court's service regulations". Women employees of the court can ask the CJI to invoke the "In-House Procedure" to address sexual harassment complaints. But this procedure, formulated in 1999 is, at best, a self-regulatory method to pull up sitting judges for "bad behaviour". Moreover, it's an arbitrary method which allows the panel to devise its own processes that is what seems to have happened in CJI Gogoi's case. After the complainant withdrew from the probe, the panel proceeded ex parte and did not reveal its report that exonerated Gogoi. In doing so, the panel not only went against the jurisprudence on gender justice encapsulated in several of the SC's own verdicts, it also flouted the principles of natural justice. The Court's decision to reinstate the complainant is a partial redemption. The Supreme Court remains poorer for the lack of an institutional mechanism to address any complaints of sexual misconduct against its highest functionaries. |
Since the hearings began in earnest three weeks ago. Republicans in the U.S. House of Representatives have argued over and over that President Trump's behavior in asking Ukraine to investigate former Vice President Joe Biden falls short of justifying the extreme sanction of impeachment. |
On Wednesday, three law professors who testified before the House Judiciary Committee effectively dismantled that defense, arguing persuasively that the framers of the Constitution intended impeachment as a curb on exactly that sort of abuse of power. |
Although the professors' testimony on constitutional law and history was less dramatic than the factual accounts provided by a series of witnesses before the House Intelligence Committee, it was nevertheless important. Despite the fact that three presidents (including Trump) have been subjected to impeachment investigations in the last 45 years, the public understandably remains confused about the purpose of impeachment and the offenses for which a president can reasonably be put on trial by the Senate. That confusion makes it easier for Trump's defenders to argue that the Democrats who launched this investigation are motivated purely by politics. . |
Article II of the Constitution says that the president and other officials can be impeached and removed from office for "treason, bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors." Three of Tuesday's witnesses - the ones who had been called by the Democrats - made a powerful case that Trump had committed offenses that would be deemed impeachable by the founders who wrote that constitutional restraint. |
Professor Noah Feldman of Harvard Law School told the committee that Trumps request that Ukraine investigate Biden, a prospective 2020 opponent, "constitutes a corrupt abuse of the power of the presidency." Quoting William Richardson Davie, a delegate to the Constitutional Convention of 1787, Feldman said Trump's request embodies the framers' central worry that a sitting president would "spare no efforts or means whatever to get himself reelected." |
Professor Pamela Karlan of Stanford Law School emphasized the framers' fear of foreign involvement in American elections and said that, in asking Ukraine's president to investigate Biden, Trump was soliciting foreign interference. "That is not politics as usual, at least not in the United States or any other mature democracy," Karlan said. "It. is, instead, a cardinal reason why the Constitution contains an impeachment power." |
Professor Michael Gerhardt of the University of North Carolina Law School noted that Alexander Hamilton in the Federalist Papers wrote that impeachable offenses were those "which proceed from the misconduct of public men, or, in other words, the abuse or violation of some public trust." Referring not only to Trump's actions regarding Ukraine but to his efforts to thwart special counsel Robert S. Mueller Ills investigation and his refusal to provide information sought by Congress, Gerhardt concluded that Trumps misconduct was "worse than the misconduct of any prior president, including what previous presidents who faced impeachment have done or been accused of doing." |
The fourth expert was Professor Jonathan Turley of George Washington University Law School. Turley, who was called by committee Republicans, complained that House Democrats were rushing toward an "exceptionally narrow impeachment resting on the thinnest possible evidentiary record." But even he conceded that "a quid pro quo to force the investigation of a political rival in exchange for military aid can be impeachable, if proven." |
Turley also agreed with other scholars that "it is possible to impeach a president for noncriminal acts." He noted, however, that Presidents Nixon and Clinton were accused in articles of impeachment of committing crimes and suggested that impeaching a president solely on grounds of misconduct that wasn't criminal would be a mistake. |
We disagree. A president can commit an egregious abuse of power without violating a criminal statute. And the inclusion of "bribery" among the "high crimes and misdemeanors" justifying impeachment isn't a reference to bribery as defined in federal criminal law. As Karlan noted, "bribery" in the impeachment clause refers to any situation in which an official "solicited, received or offered a person a favor or benefit to influence official action that is, putting his private welfare above the national interest." That is precisely what Trump is accused of doing in withholding congressionally approved aid to Ukraine in order to extract a political "favor" for himself from the Ukrainian president. |
Finally, if there are gaps in what Turley called the "evidentiary record," Trump has only himself to blame. Potentially crucial witnesses such as acting White House Chief of Staff Mick Mulvaney and former national security advisor John Bolton presumably would testify if Trump withdrew his unreasonable directive that they not cooperate with the investigation. (The president said this week that he might direct senior administration officials to testify at a Senate impeachment trial because it would be fairer than the House process.) |
The law professors provided Congress with an important lesson in constitutional law and history on Wednesday. The problem is that most if not all Republicans in the House and the Senate seem unwilling to learn it. |
Since the hearings began in earnest three weeks ago. Republicans in the U.S. House of Representatives have argued over and over that President Trump's behavior in asking Ukraine to investigate former Vice President Joe Biden falls short of justifying the extreme sanction of impeachment. |
On Wednesday, three law professors who testified before the House Judiciary Committee effectively dismantled that defense, arguing persuasively that the framers of the Constitution intended impeachment as a curb on exactly that sort of abuse of power. |
Although the professors' testimony on constitutional law and history was less dramatic than the factual accounts provided by a series of witnesses before the House Intelligence Committee, it was nevertheless important. Despite the fact that three presidents (including Trump) have been subjected to impeachment investigations in the last 45 years, the public understandably remains confused about the purpose of impeachment and the offenses for which a president can reasonably be put on trial by the Senate. That confusion makes it easier for Trump's defenders to argue that the Democrats who launched this investigation are motivated purely by politics. . |
Article II of the Constitution says that the president and other officials can be impeached and removed from office for "treason, bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors." Three of Tuesday's witnesses - the ones who had been called by the Democrats - made a powerful case that Trump had committed offenses that would be deemed impeachable by the founders who wrote that constitutional restraint. |
Professor Noah Feldman of Harvard Law School told the committee that Trumps request that Ukraine investigate Biden, a prospective 2020 opponent, "constitutes a corrupt abuse of the power of the presidency." Quoting William Richardson Davie, a delegate to the Constitutional Convention of 1787, Feldman said Trump's request embodies the framers' central worry that a sitting president would "spare no efforts or means whatever to get himself reelected." |
Professor Pamela Karlan of Stanford Law School emphasized the framers' fear of foreign involvement in American elections and said that, in asking Ukraine's president to investigate Biden, Trump was soliciting foreign interference. "That is not politics as usual, at least not in the United States or any other mature democracy," Karlan said. "It. is, instead, a cardinal reason why the Constitution contains an impeachment power." |
Professor Michael Gerhardt of the University of North Carolina Law School noted that Alexander Hamilton in the Federalist Papers wrote that impeachable offenses were those "which proceed from the misconduct of public men, or, in other words, the abuse or violation of some public trust." Referring not only to Trump's actions regarding Ukraine but to his efforts to thwart special counsel Robert S. Mueller Ills investigation and his refusal to provide information sought by Congress, Gerhardt concluded that Trumps misconduct was "worse than the misconduct of any prior president, including what previous presidents who faced impeachment have done or been accused of doing." |
The fourth expert was Professor Jonathan Turley of George Washington University Law School. Turley, who was called by committee Republicans, complained that House Democrats were rushing toward an "exceptionally narrow impeachment resting on the thinnest possible evidentiary record." But even he conceded that "a quid pro quo to force the investigation of a political rival in exchange for military aid can be impeachable, if proven." |
Turley also agreed with other scholars that "it is possible to impeach a president for noncriminal acts." He noted, however, that Presidents Nixon and Clinton were accused in articles of impeachment of committing crimes and suggested that impeaching a president solely on grounds of misconduct that wasn't criminal would be a mistake. |
We disagree. A president can commit an egregious abuse of power without violating a criminal statute. And the inclusion of "bribery" among the "high crimes and misdemeanors" justifying impeachment isn't a reference to bribery as defined in federal criminal law. As Karlan noted, "bribery" in the impeachment clause refers to any situation in which an official "solicited, received or offered a person a favor or benefit to influence official action that is, putting his private welfare above the national interest." That is precisely what Trump is accused of doing in withholding congressionally approved aid to Ukraine in order to extract a political "favor" for himself from the Ukrainian president. |
Finally, if there are gaps in what Turley called the "evidentiary record," Trump has only himself to blame. Potentially crucial witnesses such as acting White House Chief of Staff Mick Mulvaney and former national security advisor John Bolton presumably would testify if Trump withdrew his unreasonable directive that they not cooperate with the investigation. (The president said this week that he might direct senior administration officials to testify at a Senate impeachment trial because it would be fairer than the House process.) |
The law professors provided Congress with an important lesson in constitutional law and history on Wednesday. The problem is that most if not all Republicans in the House and the Senate seem unwilling to learn it. |
Since the hearings began in earnest three weeks ago. Republicans in the U.S. House of Representatives have argued over and over that President Trump's behavior in asking Ukraine to investigate former Vice President Joe Biden falls short of justifying the extreme sanction of impeachment. |
On Wednesday, three law professors who testified before the House Judiciary Committee effectively dismantled that defense, arguing persuasively that the framers of the Constitution intended impeachment as a curb on exactly that sort of abuse of power. |
Although the professors' testimony on constitutional law and history was less dramatic than the factual accounts provided by a series of witnesses before the House Intelligence Committee, it was nevertheless important. Despite the fact that three presidents (including Trump) have been subjected to impeachment investigations in the last 45 years, the public understandably remains confused about the purpose of impeachment and the offenses for which a president can reasonably be put on trial by the Senate. That confusion makes it easier for Trump's defenders to argue that the Democrats who launched this investigation are motivated purely by politics. . |
Article II of the Constitution says that the president and other officials can be impeached and removed from office for "treason, bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors." Three of Tuesday's witnesses - the ones who had been called by the Democrats - made a powerful case that Trump had committed offenses that would be deemed impeachable by the founders who wrote that constitutional restraint. |
Professor Noah Feldman of Harvard Law School told the committee that Trumps request that Ukraine investigate Biden, a prospective 2020 opponent, "constitutes a corrupt abuse of the power of the presidency." Quoting William Richardson Davie, a delegate to the Constitutional Convention of 1787, Feldman said Trump's request embodies the framers' central worry that a sitting president would "spare no efforts or means whatever to get himself reelected." |
Professor Pamela Karlan of Stanford Law School emphasized the framers' fear of foreign involvement in American elections and said that, in asking Ukraine's president to investigate Biden, Trump was soliciting foreign interference. "That is not politics as usual, at least not in the United States or any other mature democracy," Karlan said. "It. is, instead, a cardinal reason why the Constitution contains an impeachment power." |
Professor Michael Gerhardt of the University of North Carolina Law School noted that Alexander Hamilton in the Federalist Papers wrote that impeachable offenses were those "which proceed from the misconduct of public men, or, in other words, the abuse or violation of some public trust." Referring not only to Trump's actions regarding Ukraine but to his efforts to thwart special counsel Robert S. Mueller Ills investigation and his refusal to provide information sought by Congress, Gerhardt concluded that Trumps misconduct was "worse than the misconduct of any prior president, including what previous presidents who faced impeachment have done or been accused of doing." |
The fourth expert was Professor Jonathan Turley of George Washington University Law School. Turley, who was called by committee Republicans, complained that House Democrats were rushing toward an "exceptionally narrow impeachment resting on the thinnest possible evidentiary record." But even he conceded that "a quid pro quo to force the investigation of a political rival in exchange for military aid can be impeachable, if proven." |
Turley also agreed with other scholars that "it is possible to impeach a president for noncriminal acts." He noted, however, that Presidents Nixon and Clinton were accused in articles of impeachment of committing crimes and suggested that impeaching a president solely on grounds of misconduct that wasn't criminal would be a mistake. |
We disagree. A president can commit an egregious abuse of power without violating a criminal statute. And the inclusion of "bribery" among the "high crimes and misdemeanors" justifying impeachment isn't a reference to bribery as defined in federal criminal law. As Karlan noted, "bribery" in the impeachment clause refers to any situation in which an official "solicited, received or offered a person a favor or benefit to influence official action that is, putting his private welfare above the national interest." That is precisely what Trump is accused of doing in withholding congressionally approved aid to Ukraine in order to extract a political "favor" for himself from the Ukrainian president. |
Finally, if there are gaps in what Turley called the "evidentiary record," Trump has only himself to blame. Potentially crucial witnesses such as acting White House Chief of Staff Mick Mulvaney and former national security advisor John Bolton presumably would testify if Trump withdrew his unreasonable directive that they not cooperate with the investigation. (The president said this week that he might direct senior administration officials to testify at a Senate impeachment trial because it would be fairer than the House process.) |
The law professors provided Congress with an important lesson in constitutional law and history on Wednesday. The problem is that most if not all Republicans in the House and the Senate seem unwilling to learn it. |
Since the hearings began in earnest three weeks ago. Republicans in the U.S. House of Representatives have argued over and over that President Trump's behavior in asking Ukraine to investigate former Vice President Joe Biden falls short of justifying the extreme sanction of impeachment. |
On Wednesday, three law professors who testified before the House Judiciary Committee effectively dismantled that defense, arguing persuasively that the framers of the Constitution intended impeachment as a curb on exactly that sort of abuse of power. |
Although the professors' testimony on constitutional law and history was less dramatic than the factual accounts provided by a series of witnesses before the House Intelligence Committee, it was nevertheless important. Despite the fact that three presidents (including Trump) have been subjected to impeachment investigations in the last 45 years, the public understandably remains confused about the purpose of impeachment and the offenses for which a president can reasonably be put on trial by the Senate. That confusion makes it easier for Trump's defenders to argue that the Democrats who launched this investigation are motivated purely by politics. . |
Article II of the Constitution says that the president and other officials can be impeached and removed from office for "treason, bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors." Three of Tuesday's witnesses - the ones who had been called by the Democrats - made a powerful case that Trump had committed offenses that would be deemed impeachable by the founders who wrote that constitutional restraint. |
Professor Noah Feldman of Harvard Law School told the committee that Trumps request that Ukraine investigate Biden, a prospective 2020 opponent, "constitutes a corrupt abuse of the power of the presidency." Quoting William Richardson Davie, a delegate to the Constitutional Convention of 1787, Feldman said Trump's request embodies the framers' central worry that a sitting president would "spare no efforts or means whatever to get himself reelected." |
Professor Pamela Karlan of Stanford Law School emphasized the framers' fear of foreign involvement in American elections and said that, in asking Ukraine's president to investigate Biden, Trump was soliciting foreign interference. "That is not politics as usual, at least not in the United States or any other mature democracy," Karlan said. "It. is, instead, a cardinal reason why the Constitution contains an impeachment power." |
Professor Michael Gerhardt of the University of North Carolina Law School noted that Alexander Hamilton in the Federalist Papers wrote that impeachable offenses were those "which proceed from the misconduct of public men, or, in other words, the abuse or violation of some public trust." Referring not only to Trump's actions regarding Ukraine but to his efforts to thwart special counsel Robert S. Mueller Ills investigation and his refusal to provide information sought by Congress, Gerhardt concluded that Trumps misconduct was "worse than the misconduct of any prior president, including what previous presidents who faced impeachment have done or been accused of doing." |
The fourth expert was Professor Jonathan Turley of George Washington University Law School. Turley, who was called by committee Republicans, complained that House Democrats were rushing toward an "exceptionally narrow impeachment resting on the thinnest possible evidentiary record." But even he conceded that "a quid pro quo to force the investigation of a political rival in exchange for military aid can be impeachable, if proven." |
Turley also agreed with other scholars that "it is possible to impeach a president for noncriminal acts." He noted, however, that Presidents Nixon and Clinton were accused in articles of impeachment of committing crimes and suggested that impeaching a president solely on grounds of misconduct that wasn't criminal would be a mistake. |
We disagree. A president can commit an egregious abuse of power without violating a criminal statute. And the inclusion of "bribery" among the "high crimes and misdemeanors" justifying impeachment isn't a reference to bribery as defined in federal criminal law. As Karlan noted, "bribery" in the impeachment clause refers to any situation in which an official "solicited, received or offered a person a favor or benefit to influence official action that is, putting his private welfare above the national interest." That is precisely what Trump is accused of doing in withholding congressionally approved aid to Ukraine in order to extract a political "favor" for himself from the Ukrainian president. |
Finally, if there are gaps in what Turley called the "evidentiary record," Trump has only himself to blame. Potentially crucial witnesses such as acting White House Chief of Staff Mick Mulvaney and former national security advisor John Bolton presumably would testify if Trump withdrew his unreasonable directive that they not cooperate with the investigation. (The president said this week that he might direct senior administration officials to testify at a Senate impeachment trial because it would be fairer than the House process.) |
The law professors provided Congress with an important lesson in constitutional law and history on Wednesday. The problem is that most if not all Republicans in the House and the Senate seem unwilling to learn it. |
Since the hearings began in earnest three weeks ago. Republicans in the U.S. House of Representatives have argued over and over that President Trump's behavior in asking Ukraine to investigate former Vice President Joe Biden falls short of justifying the extreme sanction of impeachment. |
On Wednesday, three law professors who testified before the House Judiciary Committee effectively dismantled that defense, arguing persuasively that the framers of the Constitution intended impeachment as a curb on exactly that sort of abuse of power. |
Although the professors' testimony on constitutional law and history was less dramatic than the factual accounts provided by a series of witnesses before the House Intelligence Committee, it was nevertheless important. Despite the fact that three presidents (including Trump) have been subjected to impeachment investigations in the last 45 years, the public understandably remains confused about the purpose of impeachment and the offenses for which a president can reasonably be put on trial by the Senate. That confusion makes it easier for Trump's defenders to argue that the Democrats who launched this investigation are motivated purely by politics. . |
Article II of the Constitution says that the president and other officials can be impeached and removed from office for "treason, bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors." Three of Tuesday's witnesses - the ones who had been called by the Democrats - made a powerful case that Trump had committed offenses that would be deemed impeachable by the founders who wrote that constitutional restraint. |
Professor Noah Feldman of Harvard Law School told the committee that Trumps request that Ukraine investigate Biden, a prospective 2020 opponent, "constitutes a corrupt abuse of the power of the presidency." Quoting William Richardson Davie, a delegate to the Constitutional Convention of 1787, Feldman said Trump's request embodies the framers' central worry that a sitting president would "spare no efforts or means whatever to get himself reelected." |
Professor Pamela Karlan of Stanford Law School emphasized the framers' fear of foreign involvement in American elections and said that, in asking Ukraine's president to investigate Biden, Trump was soliciting foreign interference. "That is not politics as usual, at least not in the United States or any other mature democracy," Karlan said. "It. is, instead, a cardinal reason why the Constitution contains an impeachment power." |
Professor Michael Gerhardt of the University of North Carolina Law School noted that Alexander Hamilton in the Federalist Papers wrote that impeachable offenses were those "which proceed from the misconduct of public men, or, in other words, the abuse or violation of some public trust." Referring not only to Trump's actions regarding Ukraine but to his efforts to thwart special counsel Robert S. Mueller Ills investigation and his refusal to provide information sought by Congress, Gerhardt concluded that Trumps misconduct was "worse than the misconduct of any prior president, including what previous presidents who faced impeachment have done or been accused of doing." |
The fourth expert was Professor Jonathan Turley of George Washington University Law School. Turley, who was called by committee Republicans, complained that House Democrats were rushing toward an "exceptionally narrow impeachment resting on the thinnest possible evidentiary record." But even he conceded that "a quid pro quo to force the investigation of a political rival in exchange for military aid can be impeachable, if proven." |
Turley also agreed with other scholars that "it is possible to impeach a president for noncriminal acts." He noted, however, that Presidents Nixon and Clinton were accused in articles of impeachment of committing crimes and suggested that impeaching a president solely on grounds of misconduct that wasn't criminal would be a mistake. |
We disagree. A president can commit an egregious abuse of power without violating a criminal statute. And the inclusion of "bribery" among the "high crimes and misdemeanors" justifying impeachment isn't a reference to bribery as defined in federal criminal law. As Karlan noted, "bribery" in the impeachment clause refers to any situation in which an official "solicited, received or offered a person a favor or benefit to influence official action that is, putting his private welfare above the national interest." That is precisely what Trump is accused of doing in withholding congressionally approved aid to Ukraine in order to extract a political "favor" for himself from the Ukrainian president. |
Finally, if there are gaps in what Turley called the "evidentiary record," Trump has only himself to blame. Potentially crucial witnesses such as acting White House Chief of Staff Mick Mulvaney and former national security advisor John Bolton presumably would testify if Trump withdrew his unreasonable directive that they not cooperate with the investigation. (The president said this week that he might direct senior administration officials to testify at a Senate impeachment trial because it would be fairer than the House process.) |
The law professors provided Congress with an important lesson in constitutional law and history on Wednesday. The problem is that most if not all Republicans in the House and the Senate seem unwilling to learn it. |
In a bold and reformist judgment, a five-Judge bench of the Supreme Court (SC) on Wednesday ruled unanimously that the office of the Chief Justice of India (CJI) comes under the Right to Information (RTI) Act. The SC recognised the CJI as a "public authority". It added that "judicial independence and accountability go hand in hand", and held that "transparency strengthens independence". The decision by the bench, headed by Chief Justice Ranjan Gogoi, marks the culmination of a complex legal journey. In 2010, the Delhi High Court had ruled that the office of the CJI was a public authority. The SC's secretary-general and the central public information officer had subsequently appealed against the ruling. |
The landmark judgment must be welcomed for several reasons. One, by opening its doors, the SC has signalled its confidence in the robust processes and procedures it follows, and this enhances its prestige. This was a case where the court itself was a stakeholder. It could have sought to remain opaque behind the veil of independence. But it chose otherwise, and wisely so. Second, the order comes at a time when the judiciary is playing an increasingly key role. Its decisions have a far-ranging impact on politics, society and the economy. And interest in judicial affairs has grown. The judgment will provide a greater understanding of the institution. Third, the order gives a much-required boost to the RTI Act itself, which has been facing pressures of dilution. |
To be sure, Wednesday's order has certain caveats. There will continue to be restrictions on information on issues regarding the collegium, correspondence between the chief justice and the executive, and the apex courts internal correspondence and reports. The judgment also refers to the need to respect the right to privacy of judges, confidentiality, and ensure that RTI does not become a tool of surveillance. But this in no way diminishes the import of the judgment. The SC order has marked the contours of access for information seekers, and provides enough room to open up the institution further to scrutiny. By upholding transparency as the other side of justice, the SC has stayed true to constitutional principles. |
In a bold and reformist judgment, a five-Judge bench of the Supreme Court (SC) on Wednesday ruled unanimously that the office of the Chief Justice of India (CJI) comes under the Right to Information (RTI) Act. The SC recognised the CJI as a "public authority". It added that "judicial independence and accountability go hand in hand", and held that "transparency strengthens independence". The decision by the bench, headed by Chief Justice Ranjan Gogoi, marks the culmination of a complex legal journey. In 2010, the Delhi High Court had ruled that the office of the CJI was a public authority. The SC's secretary-general and the central public information officer had subsequently appealed against the ruling. |
The landmark judgment must be welcomed for several reasons. One, by opening its doors, the SC has signalled its confidence in the robust processes and procedures it follows, and this enhances its prestige. This was a case where the court itself was a stakeholder. It could have sought to remain opaque behind the veil of independence. But it chose otherwise, and wisely so. Second, the order comes at a time when the judiciary is playing an increasingly key role. Its decisions have a far-ranging impact on politics, society and the economy. And interest in judicial affairs has grown. The judgment will provide a greater understanding of the institution. Third, the order gives a much-required boost to the RTI Act itself, which has been facing pressures of dilution. |
To be sure, Wednesday's order has certain caveats. There will continue to be restrictions on information on issues regarding the collegium, correspondence between the chief justice and the executive, and the apex courts internal correspondence and reports. The judgment also refers to the need to respect the right to privacy of judges, confidentiality, and ensure that RTI does not become a tool of surveillance. But this in no way diminishes the import of the judgment. The SC order has marked the contours of access for information seekers, and provides enough room to open up the institution further to scrutiny. By upholding transparency as the other side of justice, the SC has stayed true to constitutional principles. |
In a bold and reformist judgment, a five-Judge bench of the Supreme Court (SC) on Wednesday ruled unanimously that the office of the Chief Justice of India (CJI) comes under the Right to Information (RTI) Act. The SC recognised the CJI as a "public authority". It added that "judicial independence and accountability go hand in hand", and held that "transparency strengthens independence". The decision by the bench, headed by Chief Justice Ranjan Gogoi, marks the culmination of a complex legal journey. In 2010, the Delhi High Court had ruled that the office of the CJI was a public authority. The SC's secretary-general and the central public information officer had subsequently appealed against the ruling. |
The landmark judgment must be welcomed for several reasons. One, by opening its doors, the SC has signalled its confidence in the robust processes and procedures it follows, and this enhances its prestige. This was a case where the court itself was a stakeholder. It could have sought to remain opaque behind the veil of independence. But it chose otherwise, and wisely so. Second, the order comes at a time when the judiciary is playing an increasingly key role. Its decisions have a far-ranging impact on politics, society and the economy. And interest in judicial affairs has grown. The judgment will provide a greater understanding of the institution. Third, the order gives a much-required boost to the RTI Act itself, which has been facing pressures of dilution. |
To be sure, Wednesday's order has certain caveats. There will continue to be restrictions on information on issues regarding the collegium, correspondence between the chief justice and the executive, and the apex courts internal correspondence and reports. The judgment also refers to the need to respect the right to privacy of judges, confidentiality, and ensure that RTI does not become a tool of surveillance. But this in no way diminishes the import of the judgment. The SC order has marked the contours of access for information seekers, and provides enough room to open up the institution further to scrutiny. By upholding transparency as the other side of justice, the SC has stayed true to constitutional principles. |
In a bold and reformist judgment, a five-Judge bench of the Supreme Court (SC) on Wednesday ruled unanimously that the office of the Chief Justice of India (CJI) comes under the Right to Information (RTI) Act. The SC recognised the CJI as a "public authority". It added that "judicial independence and accountability go hand in hand", and held that "transparency strengthens independence". The decision by the bench, headed by Chief Justice Ranjan Gogoi, marks the culmination of a complex legal journey. In 2010, the Delhi High Court had ruled that the office of the CJI was a public authority. The SC's secretary-general and the central public information officer had subsequently appealed against the ruling. |
The landmark judgment must be welcomed for several reasons. One, by opening its doors, the SC has signalled its confidence in the robust processes and procedures it follows, and this enhances its prestige. This was a case where the court itself was a stakeholder. It could have sought to remain opaque behind the veil of independence. But it chose otherwise, and wisely so. Second, the order comes at a time when the judiciary is playing an increasingly key role. Its decisions have a far-ranging impact on politics, society and the economy. And interest in judicial affairs has grown. The judgment will provide a greater understanding of the institution. Third, the order gives a much-required boost to the RTI Act itself, which has been facing pressures of dilution. |
To be sure, Wednesday's order has certain caveats. There will continue to be restrictions on information on issues regarding the collegium, correspondence between the chief justice and the executive, and the apex courts internal correspondence and reports. The judgment also refers to the need to respect the right to privacy of judges, confidentiality, and ensure that RTI does not become a tool of surveillance. But this in no way diminishes the import of the judgment. The SC order has marked the contours of access for information seekers, and provides enough room to open up the institution further to scrutiny. By upholding transparency as the other side of justice, the SC has stayed true to constitutional principles. |
In a bold and reformist judgment, a five-Judge bench of the Supreme Court (SC) on Wednesday ruled unanimously that the office of the Chief Justice of India (CJI) comes under the Right to Information (RTI) Act. The SC recognised the CJI as a "public authority". It added that "judicial independence and accountability go hand in hand", and held that "transparency strengthens independence". The decision by the bench, headed by Chief Justice Ranjan Gogoi, marks the culmination of a complex legal journey. In 2010, the Delhi High Court had ruled that the office of the CJI was a public authority. The SC's secretary-general and the central public information officer had subsequently appealed against the ruling. |
The landmark judgment must be welcomed for several reasons. One, by opening its doors, the SC has signalled its confidence in the robust processes and procedures it follows, and this enhances its prestige. This was a case where the court itself was a stakeholder. It could have sought to remain opaque behind the veil of independence. But it chose otherwise, and wisely so. Second, the order comes at a time when the judiciary is playing an increasingly key role. Its decisions have a far-ranging impact on politics, society and the economy. And interest in judicial affairs has grown. The judgment will provide a greater understanding of the institution. Third, the order gives a much-required boost to the RTI Act itself, which has been facing pressures of dilution. |
To be sure, Wednesday's order has certain caveats. There will continue to be restrictions on information on issues regarding the collegium, correspondence between the chief justice and the executive, and the apex courts internal correspondence and reports. The judgment also refers to the need to respect the right to privacy of judges, confidentiality, and ensure that RTI does not become a tool of surveillance. But this in no way diminishes the import of the judgment. The SC order has marked the contours of access for information seekers, and provides enough room to open up the institution further to scrutiny. By upholding transparency as the other side of justice, the SC has stayed true to constitutional principles. |
(i) Issues regarding collegiums |
(ii) Correspondence between the chief justice and the executives |
(iii) Internal correspondence and reports |
Since 5 August, when the government revoked the special status of Jammu and Kashmir (J&K), the floodgates of righteous rage from the usual suspects from India and the rest of the world have opened. Hardly surprising. This was the jackboot, the blood-soaked end of democracy, a rape of the Constitution, the trampling of fundamental rights of Kashmiris, and so on. These hyperventilating flag-bearers of freedom (or whatever) should calm down and consider one historical fact. Which is this. The "temporary and transitional" provision Article 370 made an exception to the fundamental rights guaranteed to all citizens by the Indian Constitution. These fundamental rights have now been restored. And this is shockingly easy to explain. |
A New York Times columnist has walled that the government has now converted "the people of Kashmir to second-class citizens, if not subjects." Sony, but the truth is that some of these peoplespecifically the male Kashmiri Muslimenjoyed far greater rights than any other Indian citizen; they have now been brought down to equal status. And many other inhabitants of the erstwhile state had fewer rights than normal Indian citizens; they have been granted equality. One would think that anyone who believed in democracy would see that as a good thing. |
To explain this, we must come to "majoritarianism", over which much chest-beating is going on. Some people have seen the government's action as "unabashed majoritarianism". Whereas, if there ever was any unabashed and constitutionally sanctioned majoritarianism anywhere in India, it was in J&K through Article 370. The Constitution of this Muslim-majority state did not have the word "minorities" anywhere in it. Unlike in the Indian Constitution, their rights were not protected. J&K was also the only Indian state with no tribal rights (and the state had no right to education either). And it should be our national shame that we allow these hypocrites to freely talk of majoritarianism while staying silent about the 20th century's swiftest forced exodus of a minority communityHindu Pandits from Kashmir in 1990. |
There is extensive scare-mongering that the removal of Article 35A will lead to land grab by non-Kashmiris, because the law permitted ownership of immovable property in the state only by permanent residents (PRs). But this law also stipulated that J&K women who married non-PRs, lost their PR status and inheritance rights. When we spoke to an old family friend, a Kashmiri lady engineer married to a non-Kashmiri, who played a key role in the Chandrayaan-2 launch, she was tearful; all she could think of was building a little home in her homeland. Article 35A also ensured that the thousands of descendants of Valmikis (Dalits) who were brought in from Punjab as government sweepers in 1957 were never allowed to get any government jobs other than sweepers. And they could not even get a Scheduled Caste certificate from the state government, so were not eligible for any benefits under central schemes. Hindu and Sikh refugees from West Pakistan remained non-PR second-class citizens, while Uighur Muslims from Xinjiang were granted PR status. And we are supposed to believe that Kashmiri Muslims have become second-class citizens, when in reality, actual second-class citizens now have full citizen rights. |
Since 5 August, when the government revoked the special status of Jammu and Kashmir (J&K), the floodgates of righteous rage from the usual suspects from India and the rest of the world have opened. Hardly surprising. This was the jackboot, the blood-soaked end of democracy, a rape of the Constitution, the trampling of fundamental rights of Kashmiris, and so on. These hyperventilating flag-bearers of freedom (or whatever) should calm down and consider one historical fact. Which is this. The "temporary and transitional" provision Article 370 made an exception to the fundamental rights guaranteed to all citizens by the Indian Constitution. These fundamental rights have now been restored. And this is shockingly easy to explain. |
A New York Times columnist has walled that the government has now converted "the people of Kashmir to second-class citizens, if not subjects." Sony, but the truth is that some of these peoplespecifically the male Kashmiri Muslimenjoyed far greater rights than any other Indian citizen; they have now been brought down to equal status. And many other inhabitants of the erstwhile state had fewer rights than normal Indian citizens; they have been granted equality. One would think that anyone who believed in democracy would see that as a good thing. |
To explain this, we must come to "majoritarianism", over which much chest-beating is going on. Some people have seen the government's action as "unabashed majoritarianism". Whereas, if there ever was any unabashed and constitutionally sanctioned majoritarianism anywhere in India, it was in J&K through Article 370. The Constitution of this Muslim-majority state did not have the word "minorities" anywhere in it. Unlike in the Indian Constitution, their rights were not protected. J&K was also the only Indian state with no tribal rights (and the state had no right to education either). And it should be our national shame that we allow these hypocrites to freely talk of majoritarianism while staying silent about the 20th century's swiftest forced exodus of a minority communityHindu Pandits from Kashmir in 1990. |
There is extensive scare-mongering that the removal of Article 35A will lead to land grab by non-Kashmiris, because the law permitted ownership of immovable property in the state only by permanent residents (PRs). But this law also stipulated that J&K women who married non-PRs, lost their PR status and inheritance rights. When we spoke to an old family friend, a Kashmiri lady engineer married to a non-Kashmiri, who played a key role in the Chandrayaan-2 launch, she was tearful; all she could think of was building a little home in her homeland. Article 35A also ensured that the thousands of descendants of Valmikis (Dalits) who were brought in from Punjab as government sweepers in 1957 were never allowed to get any government jobs other than sweepers. And they could not even get a Scheduled Caste certificate from the state government, so were not eligible for any benefits under central schemes. Hindu and Sikh refugees from West Pakistan remained non-PR second-class citizens, while Uighur Muslims from Xinjiang were granted PR status. And we are supposed to believe that Kashmiri Muslims have become second-class citizens, when in reality, actual second-class citizens now have full citizen rights. |
Since 5 August, when the government revoked the special status of Jammu and Kashmir (J&K), the floodgates of righteous rage from the usual suspects from India and the rest of the world have opened. Hardly surprising. This was the jackboot, the blood-soaked end of democracy, a rape of the Constitution, the trampling of fundamental rights of Kashmiris, and so on. These hyperventilating flag-bearers of freedom (or whatever) should calm down and consider one historical fact. Which is this. The "temporary and transitional" provision Article 370 made an exception to the fundamental rights guaranteed to all citizens by the Indian Constitution. These fundamental rights have now been restored. And this is shockingly easy to explain. |
A New York Times columnist has walled that the government has now converted "the people of Kashmir to second-class citizens, if not subjects." Sony, but the truth is that some of these peoplespecifically the male Kashmiri Muslimenjoyed far greater rights than any other Indian citizen; they have now been brought down to equal status. And many other inhabitants of the erstwhile state had fewer rights than normal Indian citizens; they have been granted equality. One would think that anyone who believed in democracy would see that as a good thing. |
To explain this, we must come to "majoritarianism", over which much chest-beating is going on. Some people have seen the government's action as "unabashed majoritarianism". Whereas, if there ever was any unabashed and constitutionally sanctioned majoritarianism anywhere in India, it was in J&K through Article 370. The Constitution of this Muslim-majority state did not have the word "minorities" anywhere in it. Unlike in the Indian Constitution, their rights were not protected. J&K was also the only Indian state with no tribal rights (and the state had no right to education either). And it should be our national shame that we allow these hypocrites to freely talk of majoritarianism while staying silent about the 20th century's swiftest forced exodus of a minority communityHindu Pandits from Kashmir in 1990. |
There is extensive scare-mongering that the removal of Article 35A will lead to land grab by non-Kashmiris, because the law permitted ownership of immovable property in the state only by permanent residents (PRs). But this law also stipulated that J&K women who married non-PRs, lost their PR status and inheritance rights. When we spoke to an old family friend, a Kashmiri lady engineer married to a non-Kashmiri, who played a key role in the Chandrayaan-2 launch, she was tearful; all she could think of was building a little home in her homeland. Article 35A also ensured that the thousands of descendants of Valmikis (Dalits) who were brought in from Punjab as government sweepers in 1957 were never allowed to get any government jobs other than sweepers. And they could not even get a Scheduled Caste certificate from the state government, so were not eligible for any benefits under central schemes. Hindu and Sikh refugees from West Pakistan remained non-PR second-class citizens, while Uighur Muslims from Xinjiang were granted PR status. And we are supposed to believe that Kashmiri Muslims have become second-class citizens, when in reality, actual second-class citizens now have full citizen rights. |
Since 5 August, when the government revoked the special status of Jammu and Kashmir (J&K), the floodgates of righteous rage from the usual suspects from India and the rest of the world have opened. Hardly surprising. This was the jackboot, the blood-soaked end of democracy, a rape of the Constitution, the trampling of fundamental rights of Kashmiris, and so on. These hyperventilating flag-bearers of freedom (or whatever) should calm down and consider one historical fact. Which is this. The "temporary and transitional" provision Article 370 made an exception to the fundamental rights guaranteed to all citizens by the Indian Constitution. These fundamental rights have now been restored. And this is shockingly easy to explain. |
A New York Times columnist has walled that the government has now converted "the people of Kashmir to second-class citizens, if not subjects." Sony, but the truth is that some of these peoplespecifically the male Kashmiri Muslimenjoyed far greater rights than any other Indian citizen; they have now been brought down to equal status. And many other inhabitants of the erstwhile state had fewer rights than normal Indian citizens; they have been granted equality. One would think that anyone who believed in democracy would see that as a good thing. |
To explain this, we must come to "majoritarianism", over which much chest-beating is going on. Some people have seen the government's action as "unabashed majoritarianism". Whereas, if there ever was any unabashed and constitutionally sanctioned majoritarianism anywhere in India, it was in J&K through Article 370. The Constitution of this Muslim-majority state did not have the word "minorities" anywhere in it. Unlike in the Indian Constitution, their rights were not protected. J&K was also the only Indian state with no tribal rights (and the state had no right to education either). And it should be our national shame that we allow these hypocrites to freely talk of majoritarianism while staying silent about the 20th century's swiftest forced exodus of a minority communityHindu Pandits from Kashmir in 1990. |
There is extensive scare-mongering that the removal of Article 35A will lead to land grab by non-Kashmiris, because the law permitted ownership of immovable property in the state only by permanent residents (PRs). But this law also stipulated that J&K women who married non-PRs, lost their PR status and inheritance rights. When we spoke to an old family friend, a Kashmiri lady engineer married to a non-Kashmiri, who played a key role in the Chandrayaan-2 launch, she was tearful; all she could think of was building a little home in her homeland. Article 35A also ensured that the thousands of descendants of Valmikis (Dalits) who were brought in from Punjab as government sweepers in 1957 were never allowed to get any government jobs other than sweepers. And they could not even get a Scheduled Caste certificate from the state government, so were not eligible for any benefits under central schemes. Hindu and Sikh refugees from West Pakistan remained non-PR second-class citizens, while Uighur Muslims from Xinjiang were granted PR status. And we are supposed to believe that Kashmiri Muslims have become second-class citizens, when in reality, actual second-class citizens now have full citizen rights. |
Since 5 August, when the government revoked the special status of Jammu and Kashmir (J&K), the floodgates of righteous rage from the usual suspects from India and the rest of the world have opened. Hardly surprising. This was the jackboot, the blood-soaked end of democracy, a rape of the Constitution, the trampling of fundamental rights of Kashmiris, and so on. These hyperventilating flag-bearers of freedom (or whatever) should calm down and consider one historical fact. Which is this. The "temporary and transitional" provision Article 370 made an exception to the fundamental rights guaranteed to all citizens by the Indian Constitution. These fundamental rights have now been restored. And this is shockingly easy to explain. |
A New York Times columnist has walled that the government has now converted "the people of Kashmir to second-class citizens, if not subjects." Sony, but the truth is that some of these peoplespecifically the male Kashmiri Muslimenjoyed far greater rights than any other Indian citizen; they have now been brought down to equal status. And many other inhabitants of the erstwhile state had fewer rights than normal Indian citizens; they have been granted equality. One would think that anyone who believed in democracy would see that as a good thing. |
To explain this, we must come to "majoritarianism", over which much chest-beating is going on. Some people have seen the government's action as "unabashed majoritarianism". Whereas, if there ever was any unabashed and constitutionally sanctioned majoritarianism anywhere in India, it was in J&K through Article 370. The Constitution of this Muslim-majority state did not have the word "minorities" anywhere in it. Unlike in the Indian Constitution, their rights were not protected. J&K was also the only Indian state with no tribal rights (and the state had no right to education either). And it should be our national shame that we allow these hypocrites to freely talk of majoritarianism while staying silent about the 20th century's swiftest forced exodus of a minority communityHindu Pandits from Kashmir in 1990. |
There is extensive scare-mongering that the removal of Article 35A will lead to land grab by non-Kashmiris, because the law permitted ownership of immovable property in the state only by permanent residents (PRs). But this law also stipulated that J&K women who married non-PRs, lost their PR status and inheritance rights. When we spoke to an old family friend, a Kashmiri lady engineer married to a non-Kashmiri, who played a key role in the Chandrayaan-2 launch, she was tearful; all she could think of was building a little home in her homeland. Article 35A also ensured that the thousands of descendants of Valmikis (Dalits) who were brought in from Punjab as government sweepers in 1957 were never allowed to get any government jobs other than sweepers. And they could not even get a Scheduled Caste certificate from the state government, so were not eligible for any benefits under central schemes. Hindu and Sikh refugees from West Pakistan remained non-PR second-class citizens, while Uighur Muslims from Xinjiang were granted PR status. And we are supposed to believe that Kashmiri Muslims have become second-class citizens, when in reality, actual second-class citizens now have full citizen rights. |
State is a political organisation and there is no definite historical evidence regarding its formation. It also has no one exact definition. It has been given varied meanings and explanation by various scholars over a period of time. Most of the definitions of State are based on four ingredients that are considered as essential for a society to be considered as a State. |
These four ingredients are: 1) population; 2) territory; 3) government; and 4) sovereignty. In simple terms, the State can be defined as "an assemblage of human beings occupying a definite territory of denned boundaries under an organised government, subject to no external invasion and established by the sanction of the governed and recognized internationally." |
Various political philosophers have defined State differently. Some important definitions of State are as under: |
Aristotle (384-322 BCE): "A union of families and villages and having for its ends a perfect and self-sufficing life by which we mean a happy and honorable life." |
Hugo Grotius (1583-1645): "A complete union of free men, who join themselves together for the purpose of enjoying law and for the sake of public welfare." |
Bluntschli (1808-1881): "A politically organized people of a definite territory." |
John William Burgess (1844-1931): "Particular portion of mankind viewed as an organized unit." |
Woodrow Wilson (1856-1924): "A people organized for law within a definite territory." |
In modern times it is Harold Laski's definition that is considered as most influential. Harold Laski (1893-1950) was a British philosopher. He defined State as: "A territorial society divided into government and subjects claiming within its allotted physical area, a supremacy over all other institutions." |
Hans Kelsen's explanation of State is very different from other scholars. In Hans Kelsen's opinion to have law and to have a State is the same. He explains law as a normative structure. When a society has a normative structure of law, it is State. The important feature of this theory is that in this theory, law and State emerge simultaneously. One does not create the other.. |
Though, there is no clear evidence available on how the State originated, there are varied theories on the origin of the State given by political philosophers. These theories attach importance to different social and other circumstances that gave birth to the State and hence they differ with each other. |
State is a political organisation and there is no definite historical evidence regarding its formation. It also has no one exact definition. It has been given varied meanings and explanation by various scholars over a period of time. Most of the definitions of State are based on four ingredients that are considered as essential for a society to be considered as a State. |
These four ingredients are: 1) population; 2) territory; 3) government; and 4) sovereignty. In simple terms, the State can be defined as "an assemblage of human beings occupying a definite territory of denned boundaries under an organised government, subject to no external invasion and established by the sanction of the governed and recognized internationally." |
Various political philosophers have defined State differently. Some important definitions of State are as under: |
Aristotle (384-322 BCE): "A union of families and villages and having for its ends a perfect and self-sufficing life by which we mean a happy and honorable life." |
Hugo Grotius (1583-1645): "A complete union of free men, who join themselves together for the purpose of enjoying law and for the sake of public welfare." |
Bluntschli (1808-1881): "A politically organized people of a definite territory." |
John William Burgess (1844-1931): "Particular portion of mankind viewed as an organized unit." |
Woodrow Wilson (1856-1924): "A people organized for law within a definite territory." |
In modern times it is Harold Laski's definition that is considered as most influential. Harold Laski (1893-1950) was a British philosopher. He defined State as: "A territorial society divided into government and subjects claiming within its allotted physical area, a supremacy over all other institutions." |
Hans Kelsen's explanation of State is very different from other scholars. In Hans Kelsen's opinion to have law and to have a State is the same. He explains law as a normative structure. When a society has a normative structure of law, it is State. The important feature of this theory is that in this theory, law and State emerge simultaneously. One does not create the other.. |
Though, there is no clear evidence available on how the State originated, there are varied theories on the origin of the State given by political philosophers. These theories attach importance to different social and other circumstances that gave birth to the State and hence they differ with each other. |
State is a political organisation and there is no definite historical evidence regarding its formation. It also has no one exact definition. It has been given varied meanings and explanation by various scholars over a period of time. Most of the definitions of State are based on four ingredients that are considered as essential for a society to be considered as a State. |
These four ingredients are: 1) population; 2) territory; 3) government; and 4) sovereignty. In simple terms, the State can be defined as "an assemblage of human beings occupying a definite territory of denned boundaries under an organised government, subject to no external invasion and established by the sanction of the governed and recognized internationally." |
Various political philosophers have defined State differently. Some important definitions of State are as under: |
Aristotle (384-322 BCE): "A union of families and villages and having for its ends a perfect and self-sufficing life by which we mean a happy and honorable life." |
Hugo Grotius (1583-1645): "A complete union of free men, who join themselves together for the purpose of enjoying law and for the sake of public welfare." |
Bluntschli (1808-1881): "A politically organized people of a definite territory." |
John William Burgess (1844-1931): "Particular portion of mankind viewed as an organized unit." |
Woodrow Wilson (1856-1924): "A people organized for law within a definite territory." |
In modern times it is Harold Laski's definition that is considered as most influential. Harold Laski (1893-1950) was a British philosopher. He defined State as: "A territorial society divided into government and subjects claiming within its allotted physical area, a supremacy over all other institutions." |
Hans Kelsen's explanation of State is very different from other scholars. In Hans Kelsen's opinion to have law and to have a State is the same. He explains law as a normative structure. When a society has a normative structure of law, it is State. The important feature of this theory is that in this theory, law and State emerge simultaneously. One does not create the other.. |
Though, there is no clear evidence available on how the State originated, there are varied theories on the origin of the State given by political philosophers. These theories attach importance to different social and other circumstances that gave birth to the State and hence they differ with each other. |
(i) Territory |
(ii) Government |
(iii) Sovereignty |
(iv) Population |
State is a political organisation and there is no definite historical evidence regarding its formation. It also has no one exact definition. It has been given varied meanings and explanation by various scholars over a period of time. Most of the definitions of State are based on four ingredients that are considered as essential for a society to be considered as a State. |
These four ingredients are: 1) population; 2) territory; 3) government; and 4) sovereignty. In simple terms, the State can be defined as "an assemblage of human beings occupying a definite territory of denned boundaries under an organised government, subject to no external invasion and established by the sanction of the governed and recognized internationally." |
Various political philosophers have defined State differently. Some important definitions of State are as under: |
Aristotle (384-322 BCE): "A union of families and villages and having for its ends a perfect and self-sufficing life by which we mean a happy and honorable life." |
Hugo Grotius (1583-1645): "A complete union of free men, who join themselves together for the purpose of enjoying law and for the sake of public welfare." |
Bluntschli (1808-1881): "A politically organized people of a definite territory." |
John William Burgess (1844-1931): "Particular portion of mankind viewed as an organized unit." |
Woodrow Wilson (1856-1924): "A people organized for law within a definite territory." |
In modern times it is Harold Laski's definition that is considered as most influential. Harold Laski (1893-1950) was a British philosopher. He defined State as: "A territorial society divided into government and subjects claiming within its allotted physical area, a supremacy over all other institutions." |
Hans Kelsen's explanation of State is very different from other scholars. In Hans Kelsen's opinion to have law and to have a State is the same. He explains law as a normative structure. When a society has a normative structure of law, it is State. The important feature of this theory is that in this theory, law and State emerge simultaneously. One does not create the other.. |
Though, there is no clear evidence available on how the State originated, there are varied theories on the origin of the State given by political philosophers. These theories attach importance to different social and other circumstances that gave birth to the State and hence they differ with each other. |
State is a political organisation and there is no definite historical evidence regarding its formation. It also has no one exact definition. It has been given varied meanings and explanation by various scholars over a period of time. Most of the definitions of State are based on four ingredients that are considered as essential for a society to be considered as a State. |
These four ingredients are: 1) population; 2) territory; 3) government; and 4) sovereignty. In simple terms, the State can be defined as "an assemblage of human beings occupying a definite territory of denned boundaries under an organised government, subject to no external invasion and established by the sanction of the governed and recognized internationally." |
Various political philosophers have defined State differently. Some important definitions of State are as under: |
Aristotle (384-322 BCE): "A union of families and villages and having for its ends a perfect and self-sufficing life by which we mean a happy and honorable life." |
Hugo Grotius (1583-1645): "A complete union of free men, who join themselves together for the purpose of enjoying law and for the sake of public welfare." |
Bluntschli (1808-1881): "A politically organized people of a definite territory." |
John William Burgess (1844-1931): "Particular portion of mankind viewed as an organized unit." |
Woodrow Wilson (1856-1924): "A people organized for law within a definite territory." |
In modern times it is Harold Laski's definition that is considered as most influential. Harold Laski (1893-1950) was a British philosopher. He defined State as: "A territorial society divided into government and subjects claiming within its allotted physical area, a supremacy over all other institutions." |
Hans Kelsen's explanation of State is very different from other scholars. In Hans Kelsen's opinion to have law and to have a State is the same. He explains law as a normative structure. When a society has a normative structure of law, it is State. The important feature of this theory is that in this theory, law and State emerge simultaneously. One does not create the other.. |
Though, there is no clear evidence available on how the State originated, there are varied theories on the origin of the State given by political philosophers. These theories attach importance to different social and other circumstances that gave birth to the State and hence they differ with each other. |
McLennan in his book Primitive Society, Morgan to his book Studies in Ancient Society, and Edward Jenks in his work A Short History of Politics advocated the matriarchal theory. According to the matriarchal theory, the State originated not in the family, but in the Horde. The Horde was an unorganised tribe in which sexual relations without any matrimonial intentions were common. As time passed, the Horde left this practice and followed group marriages and gradually they practiced polyandry. This institution of polyandry led to the establishment of matriarchal family. In the matriarchal family, relationship was traced through the female descent. Even if paternity could not be determined, maternity remains a fact. Among some tribes, relationship is recognised through female and not via males, and even succession to property is through female lineage. Owing to the prevalence -of the custom of exogamy, the father belonged to a clan tribe. Jenks illustrated the system from the conditions of the Australian aborigines who resided in "packs" or "totem-groups" and may not marry within totem. The important points of the theory by Jenks are mentioned below: |
1. Tribe is the earliest form of society. It is the oldest and primary social group. 2. Kinship is traced via females. 3. Conjugal relationships are transient. The earliest form of marriage was polyandry. 4. Females only succeed to power and property. 5. Matriarchal authority is an established fact. 6. Tribes in due course of time disintegrate into clans, clans in turn give place to households, and households, at the end, emerged into modern families. |
McLennan in his book Primitive Society, Morgan to his book Studies in Ancient Society, and Edward Jenks in his work A Short History of Politics advocated the matriarchal theory. According to the matriarchal theory, the State originated not in the family, but in the Horde. The Horde was an unorganised tribe in which sexual relations without any matrimonial intentions were common. As time passed, the Horde left this practice and followed group marriages and gradually they practiced polyandry. This institution of polyandry led to the establishment of matriarchal family. In the matriarchal family, relationship was traced through the female descent. Even if paternity could not be determined, maternity remains a fact. Among some tribes, relationship is recognised through female and not via males, and even succession to property is through female lineage. Owing to the prevalence -of the custom of exogamy, the father belonged to a clan tribe. Jenks illustrated the system from the conditions of the Australian aborigines who resided in "packs" or "totem-groups" and may not marry within totem. The important points of the theory by Jenks are mentioned below: |
1. Tribe is the earliest form of society. It is the oldest and primary social group. 2. Kinship is traced via females. 3. Conjugal relationships are transient. The earliest form of marriage was polyandry. 4. Females only succeed to power and property. 5. Matriarchal authority is an established fact. 6. Tribes in due course of time disintegrate into clans, clans in turn give place to households, and households, at the end, emerged into modern families. |
McLennan in his book Primitive Society, Morgan to his book Studies in Ancient Society, and Edward Jenks in his work A Short History of Politics advocated the matriarchal theory. According to the matriarchal theory, the State originated not in the family, but in the Horde. The Horde was an unorganised tribe in which sexual relations without any matrimonial intentions were common. As time passed, the Horde left this practice and followed group marriages and gradually they practiced polyandry. This institution of polyandry led to the establishment of matriarchal family. In the matriarchal family, relationship was traced through the female descent. Even if paternity could not be determined, maternity remains a fact. Among some tribes, relationship is recognised through female and not via males, and even succession to property is through female lineage. Owing to the prevalence -of the custom of exogamy, the father belonged to a clan tribe. Jenks illustrated the system from the conditions of the Australian aborigines who resided in "packs" or "totem-groups" and may not marry within totem. The important points of the theory by Jenks are mentioned below: |
1. Tribe is the earliest form of society. It is the oldest and primary social group. 2. Kinship is traced via females. 3. Conjugal relationships are transient. The earliest form of marriage was polyandry. 4. Females only succeed to power and property. 5. Matriarchal authority is an established fact. 6. Tribes in due course of time disintegrate into clans, clans in turn give place to households, and households, at the end, emerged into modern families. |
McLennan in his book Primitive Society, Morgan to his book Studies in Ancient Society, and Edward Jenks in his work A Short History of Politics advocated the matriarchal theory. According to the matriarchal theory, the State originated not in the family, but in the Horde. The Horde was an unorganised tribe in which sexual relations without any matrimonial intentions were common. As time passed, the Horde left this practice and followed group marriages and gradually they practiced polyandry. This institution of polyandry led to the establishment of matriarchal family. In the matriarchal family, relationship was traced through the female descent. Even if paternity could not be determined, maternity remains a fact. Among some tribes, relationship is recognised through female and not via males, and even succession to property is through female lineage. Owing to the prevalence -of the custom of exogamy, the father belonged to a clan tribe. Jenks illustrated the system from the conditions of the Australian aborigines who resided in "packs" or "totem-groups" and may not marry within totem. The important points of the theory by Jenks are mentioned below: |
1. Tribe is the earliest form of society. It is the oldest and primary social group. 2. Kinship is traced via females. 3. Conjugal relationships are transient. The earliest form of marriage was polyandry. 4. Females only succeed to power and property. 5. Matriarchal authority is an established fact. 6. Tribes in due course of time disintegrate into clans, clans in turn give place to households, and households, at the end, emerged into modern families. |
McLennan in his book Primitive Society, Morgan to his book Studies in Ancient Society, and Edward Jenks in his work A Short History of Politics advocated the matriarchal theory. According to the matriarchal theory, the State originated not in the family, but in the Horde. The Horde was an unorganised tribe in which sexual relations without any matrimonial intentions were common. As time passed, the Horde left this practice and followed group marriages and gradually they practiced polyandry. This institution of polyandry led to the establishment of matriarchal family. In the matriarchal family, relationship was traced through the female descent. Even if paternity could not be determined, maternity remains a fact. Among some tribes, relationship is recognised through female and not via males, and even succession to property is through female lineage. Owing to the prevalence -of the custom of exogamy, the father belonged to a clan tribe. Jenks illustrated the system from the conditions of the Australian aborigines who resided in "packs" or "totem-groups" and may not marry within totem. The important points of the theory by Jenks are mentioned below: |
1. Tribe is the earliest form of society. It is the oldest and primary social group. 2. Kinship is traced via females. 3. Conjugal relationships are transient. The earliest form of marriage was polyandry. 4. Females only succeed to power and property. 5. Matriarchal authority is an established fact. 6. Tribes in due course of time disintegrate into clans, clans in turn give place to households, and households, at the end, emerged into modern families. |
Webster Dictionary defines Democracy as "a government in which the supreme power is vested in the people and exercised by them directly or indirectly through a system of representation usually involving periodically held free elections." According to Abraham Lincoln (1809-1865), the 16th President of US, Democracy is "the Government of the people, by the people, for the people." The main feature of Democracy is that in a Democracy there is no concentration of power in the hands of one person or even in a small group of persons. The power vests with the people. The government is also chosen for a fixed time period. If the government does not perform upto the expectations of people, it is replaced by another government after the expiry of the term. In some cases the government may fall even before the expiry of the term. |
The Democracy can be of two types: Direct Democracy or Indirect Democracy. In Direct Democracy people exercise their power directly. On different issues all the people vote in open assemblies. This is also known as referendum or plebiscite. The outcome of the voting then becomes law. This kind of Democracy was practiced in Athens m 5th century BC. Citizens of ancient Athens used to assemble and make important decisions. |
In Switzerland, Direct Democracy is practiced. Laws are first prepared in a draft form. The draft goes to the people for opinion poll. The result of the opinion poll is discussed in Parliament and laws are made accordingly. All laws are subject to peoples veto power. If 50,000 people sign a petition demanding a referendum on a law, the referendum is required to be held. If 1, 00,000 people so form an opinion they may demand a change in Constitution as well. |
Most of the countries now practice Indirect Democracy. In this form of Democracy the power vests in people but they exercise the power through their chosen representative. The representatives are chosen for a fixed term during which they make and implement laws. If the laws made by them are violative of the constitutional provisions, people can move to the Supreme Court for getting such laws declared as void. But there is no provision for referendum or plebiscite. Courts play a. very important role in this form of Democracy. The judges are expected to be independent and neutral. The representatives are chosen by the process of adult suffrage. In India, everyone who has completed the age of 18 years has a right to vote. Right to vote is irrespective of gender, religion, caste, educational levels, economic status, etc. |
Democracy is practiced in two forms: Parliamentary form and Presidential form. According to Encyclopaedia Britannica, Parliamentary Democracy is a democratic form of government in which the party (or a coalition of parties) with the greatest representation in the parliament (legislature) forms the government, its leader becoming Prime Minister or Chancellor. Executive functions are exercised by members of the parliament appointed by the Prime Minister to the cabinet. The parties in the minority serve in opposition to the majority and have the duty to challenge it regularly. The Prime Minister may be removed from power whenever he loses the confidence of a majority of the ruling party or of the parliament. Parliamentary Democracy originated in Britain and was adopted in several of its former colonies. In Parliamentary system the power is so divided between the legislature and executive that the executive remains answerable to the legislature. |
Webster Dictionary defines Democracy as "a government in which the supreme power is vested in the people and exercised by them directly or indirectly through a system of representation usually involving periodically held free elections." According to Abraham Lincoln (1809-1865), the 16th President of US, Democracy is "the Government of the people, by the people, for the people." The main feature of Democracy is that in a Democracy there is no concentration of power in the hands of one person or even in a small group of persons. The power vests with the people. The government is also chosen for a fixed time period. If the government does not perform upto the expectations of people, it is replaced by another government after the expiry of the term. In some cases the government may fall even before the expiry of the term. |
The Democracy can be of two types: Direct Democracy or Indirect Democracy. In Direct Democracy people exercise their power directly. On different issues all the people vote in open assemblies. This is also known as referendum or plebiscite. The outcome of the voting then becomes law. This kind of Democracy was practiced in Athens m 5th century BC. Citizens of ancient Athens used to assemble and make important decisions. |
In Switzerland, Direct Democracy is practiced. Laws are first prepared in a draft form. The draft goes to the people for opinion poll. The result of the opinion poll is discussed in Parliament and laws are made accordingly. All laws are subject to peoples veto power. If 50,000 people sign a petition demanding a referendum on a law, the referendum is required to be held. If 1, 00,000 people so form an opinion they may demand a change in Constitution as well. |
Most of the countries now practice Indirect Democracy. In this form of Democracy the power vests in people but they exercise the power through their chosen representative. The representatives are chosen for a fixed term during which they make and implement laws. If the laws made by them are violative of the constitutional provisions, people can move to the Supreme Court for getting such laws declared as void. But there is no provision for referendum or plebiscite. Courts play a. very important role in this form of Democracy. The judges are expected to be independent and neutral. The representatives are chosen by the process of adult suffrage. In India, everyone who has completed the age of 18 years has a right to vote. Right to vote is irrespective of gender, religion, caste, educational levels, economic status, etc. |
Democracy is practiced in two forms: Parliamentary form and Presidential form. According to Encyclopaedia Britannica, Parliamentary Democracy is a democratic form of government in which the party (or a coalition of parties) with the greatest representation in the parliament (legislature) forms the government, its leader becoming Prime Minister or Chancellor. Executive functions are exercised by members of the parliament appointed by the Prime Minister to the cabinet. The parties in the minority serve in opposition to the majority and have the duty to challenge it regularly. The Prime Minister may be removed from power whenever he loses the confidence of a majority of the ruling party or of the parliament. Parliamentary Democracy originated in Britain and was adopted in several of its former colonies. In Parliamentary system the power is so divided between the legislature and executive that the executive remains answerable to the legislature. |
Webster Dictionary defines Democracy as "a government in which the supreme power is vested in the people and exercised by them directly or indirectly through a system of representation usually involving periodically held free elections." According to Abraham Lincoln (1809-1865), the 16th President of US, Democracy is "the Government of the people, by the people, for the people." The main feature of Democracy is that in a Democracy there is no concentration of power in the hands of one person or even in a small group of persons. The power vests with the people. The government is also chosen for a fixed time period. If the government does not perform upto the expectations of people, it is replaced by another government after the expiry of the term. In some cases the government may fall even before the expiry of the term. |
The Democracy can be of two types: Direct Democracy or Indirect Democracy. In Direct Democracy people exercise their power directly. On different issues all the people vote in open assemblies. This is also known as referendum or plebiscite. The outcome of the voting then becomes law. This kind of Democracy was practiced in Athens m 5th century BC. Citizens of ancient Athens used to assemble and make important decisions. |
In Switzerland, Direct Democracy is practiced. Laws are first prepared in a draft form. The draft goes to the people for opinion poll. The result of the opinion poll is discussed in Parliament and laws are made accordingly. All laws are subject to peoples veto power. If 50,000 people sign a petition demanding a referendum on a law, the referendum is required to be held. If 1, 00,000 people so form an opinion they may demand a change in Constitution as well. |
Most of the countries now practice Indirect Democracy. In this form of Democracy the power vests in people but they exercise the power through their chosen representative. The representatives are chosen for a fixed term during which they make and implement laws. If the laws made by them are violative of the constitutional provisions, people can move to the Supreme Court for getting such laws declared as void. But there is no provision for referendum or plebiscite. Courts play a. very important role in this form of Democracy. The judges are expected to be independent and neutral. The representatives are chosen by the process of adult suffrage. In India, everyone who has completed the age of 18 years has a right to vote. Right to vote is irrespective of gender, religion, caste, educational levels, economic status, etc. |
Democracy is practiced in two forms: Parliamentary form and Presidential form. According to Encyclopaedia Britannica, Parliamentary Democracy is a democratic form of government in which the party (or a coalition of parties) with the greatest representation in the parliament (legislature) forms the government, its leader becoming Prime Minister or Chancellor. Executive functions are exercised by members of the parliament appointed by the Prime Minister to the cabinet. The parties in the minority serve in opposition to the majority and have the duty to challenge it regularly. The Prime Minister may be removed from power whenever he loses the confidence of a majority of the ruling party or of the parliament. Parliamentary Democracy originated in Britain and was adopted in several of its former colonies. In Parliamentary system the power is so divided between the legislature and executive that the executive remains answerable to the legislature. |
Webster Dictionary defines Democracy as "a government in which the supreme power is vested in the people and exercised by them directly or indirectly through a system of representation usually involving periodically held free elections." According to Abraham Lincoln (1809-1865), the 16th President of US, Democracy is "the Government of the people, by the people, for the people." The main feature of Democracy is that in a Democracy there is no concentration of power in the hands of one person or even in a small group of persons. The power vests with the people. The government is also chosen for a fixed time period. If the government does not perform upto the expectations of people, it is replaced by another government after the expiry of the term. In some cases the government may fall even before the expiry of the term. |
The Democracy can be of two types: Direct Democracy or Indirect Democracy. In Direct Democracy people exercise their power directly. On different issues all the people vote in open assemblies. This is also known as referendum or plebiscite. The outcome of the voting then becomes law. This kind of Democracy was practiced in Athens m 5th century BC. Citizens of ancient Athens used to assemble and make important decisions. |
In Switzerland, Direct Democracy is practiced. Laws are first prepared in a draft form. The draft goes to the people for opinion poll. The result of the opinion poll is discussed in Parliament and laws are made accordingly. All laws are subject to peoples veto power. If 50,000 people sign a petition demanding a referendum on a law, the referendum is required to be held. If 1, 00,000 people so form an opinion they may demand a change in Constitution as well. |
Most of the countries now practice Indirect Democracy. In this form of Democracy the power vests in people but they exercise the power through their chosen representative. The representatives are chosen for a fixed term during which they make and implement laws. If the laws made by them are violative of the constitutional provisions, people can move to the Supreme Court for getting such laws declared as void. But there is no provision for referendum or plebiscite. Courts play a. very important role in this form of Democracy. The judges are expected to be independent and neutral. The representatives are chosen by the process of adult suffrage. In India, everyone who has completed the age of 18 years has a right to vote. Right to vote is irrespective of gender, religion, caste, educational levels, economic status, etc. |
Democracy is practiced in two forms: Parliamentary form and Presidential form. According to Encyclopaedia Britannica, Parliamentary Democracy is a democratic form of government in which the party (or a coalition of parties) with the greatest representation in the parliament (legislature) forms the government, its leader becoming Prime Minister or Chancellor. Executive functions are exercised by members of the parliament appointed by the Prime Minister to the cabinet. The parties in the minority serve in opposition to the majority and have the duty to challenge it regularly. The Prime Minister may be removed from power whenever he loses the confidence of a majority of the ruling party or of the parliament. Parliamentary Democracy originated in Britain and was adopted in several of its former colonies. In Parliamentary system the power is so divided between the legislature and executive that the executive remains answerable to the legislature. |
Webster Dictionary defines Democracy as "a government in which the supreme power is vested in the people and exercised by them directly or indirectly through a system of representation usually involving periodically held free elections." According to Abraham Lincoln (1809-1865), the 16th President of US, Democracy is "the Government of the people, by the people, for the people." The main feature of Democracy is that in a Democracy there is no concentration of power in the hands of one person or even in a small group of persons. The power vests with the people. The government is also chosen for a fixed time period. If the government does not perform upto the expectations of people, it is replaced by another government after the expiry of the term. In some cases the government may fall even before the expiry of the term. |
The Democracy can be of two types: Direct Democracy or Indirect Democracy. In Direct Democracy people exercise their power directly. On different issues all the people vote in open assemblies. This is also known as referendum or plebiscite. The outcome of the voting then becomes law. This kind of Democracy was practiced in Athens m 5th century BC. Citizens of ancient Athens used to assemble and make important decisions. |
In Switzerland, Direct Democracy is practiced. Laws are first prepared in a draft form. The draft goes to the people for opinion poll. The result of the opinion poll is discussed in Parliament and laws are made accordingly. All laws are subject to peoples veto power. If 50,000 people sign a petition demanding a referendum on a law, the referendum is required to be held. If 1, 00,000 people so form an opinion they may demand a change in Constitution as well. |
Most of the countries now practice Indirect Democracy. In this form of Democracy the power vests in people but they exercise the power through their chosen representative. The representatives are chosen for a fixed term during which they make and implement laws. If the laws made by them are violative of the constitutional provisions, people can move to the Supreme Court for getting such laws declared as void. But there is no provision for referendum or plebiscite. Courts play a. very important role in this form of Democracy. The judges are expected to be independent and neutral. The representatives are chosen by the process of adult suffrage. In India, everyone who has completed the age of 18 years has a right to vote. Right to vote is irrespective of gender, religion, caste, educational levels, economic status, etc. |
Democracy is practiced in two forms: Parliamentary form and Presidential form. According to Encyclopaedia Britannica, Parliamentary Democracy is a democratic form of government in which the party (or a coalition of parties) with the greatest representation in the parliament (legislature) forms the government, its leader becoming Prime Minister or Chancellor. Executive functions are exercised by members of the parliament appointed by the Prime Minister to the cabinet. The parties in the minority serve in opposition to the majority and have the duty to challenge it regularly. The Prime Minister may be removed from power whenever he loses the confidence of a majority of the ruling party or of the parliament. Parliamentary Democracy originated in Britain and was adopted in several of its former colonies. In Parliamentary system the power is so divided between the legislature and executive that the executive remains answerable to the legislature. |
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Culture can play a huge role in the shaping of an individual's identity and behavior, this can happen through a theory known as the 'tool kit theory'. The tool kit theory as introduced by Swidler, is a combination of the internal and external elements of culture. An individual seeks out activities that cater to their cultural competences in order to be successful. These competences may be a big part of someone's identity. For example, if an individual considered being a student as a main factor of their identity and they were intellectually developed, using this competence they could have a higher chance of succeeding academically. In addition to this, culture can modify behavior as culture dictates the expectations that have to be met to ensure acceptance into a social group. Individuals will modify their behavior to fit others as this will provide a sense of belonging and protection. But sometimes, this creates moderate level of anxiety in the minds of individuals and further prolonged anxious state creates social abnormal behaviors. |
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Culture can play a huge role in the shaping of an individual's identity and behavior, this can happen through a theory known as the 'tool kit theory'. The tool kit theory as introduced by Swidler, is a combination of the internal and external elements of culture. An individual seeks out activities that cater to their cultural competences in order to be successful. These competences may be a big part of someone's identity. For example, if an individual considered being a student as a main factor of their identity and they were intellectually developed, using this competence they could have a higher chance of succeeding academically. In addition to this, culture can modify behavior as culture dictates the expectations that have to be met to ensure acceptance into a social group. Individuals will modify their behavior to fit others as this will provide a sense of belonging and protection. But sometimes, this creates moderate level of anxiety in the minds of individuals and further prolonged anxious state creates social abnormal behaviors. |
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Culture can play a huge role in the shaping of an individual's identity and behavior, this can happen through a theory known as the 'tool kit theory'. The tool kit theory as introduced by Swidler, is a combination of the internal and external elements of culture. An individual seeks out activities that cater to their cultural competences in order to be successful. These competences may be a big part of someone's identity. For example, if an individual considered being a student as a main factor of their identity and they were intellectually developed, using this competence they could have a higher chance of succeeding academically. In addition to this, culture can modify behavior as culture dictates the expectations that have to be met to ensure acceptance into a social group. Individuals will modify their behavior to fit others as this will provide a sense of belonging and protection. But sometimes, this creates moderate level of anxiety in the minds of individuals and further prolonged anxious state creates social abnormal behaviors. |
Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
Culture can play a huge role in the shaping of an individual's identity and behavior, this can happen through a theory known as the 'tool kit theory'. The tool kit theory as introduced by Swidler, is a combination of the internal and external elements of culture. An individual seeks out activities that cater to their cultural competences in order to be successful. These competences may be a big part of someone's identity. For example, if an individual considered being a student as a main factor of their identity and they were intellectually developed, using this competence they could have a higher chance of succeeding academically. In addition to this, culture can modify behavior as culture dictates the expectations that have to be met to ensure acceptance into a social group. Individuals will modify their behavior to fit others as this will provide a sense of belonging and protection. But sometimes, this creates moderate level of anxiety in the minds of individuals and further prolonged anxious state creates social abnormal behaviors. |
Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
Culture can play a huge role in the shaping of an individual's identity and behavior, this can happen through a theory known as the 'tool kit theory'. The tool kit theory as introduced by Swidler, is a combination of the internal and external elements of culture. An individual seeks out activities that cater to their cultural competences in order to be successful. These competences may be a big part of someone's identity. For example, if an individual considered being a student as a main factor of their identity and they were intellectually developed, using this competence they could have a higher chance of succeeding academically. In addition to this, culture can modify behavior as culture dictates the expectations that have to be met to ensure acceptance into a social group. Individuals will modify their behavior to fit others as this will provide a sense of belonging and protection. But sometimes, this creates moderate level of anxiety in the minds of individuals and further prolonged anxious state creates social abnormal behaviors. |
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India remains the second-most populous country after China. After its independence, the country made tremendous progress towards gaining food security. Before the 1960s, India used to rely on imports and foreign aid but after 1966, India adopted policy reforms that enhance self-reliance in food security by promoting domestic production. This has led to India being the world's largest producer of many fresh fruits. It is also the second largest producer of dry fruits, agriculture based textile raw materials, roots, and tuber crops. Though India is the second largest producer of fruit and vegetables in the world, the export of those commodities only constitutes a smaller share of the countrys export. |
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India remains the second-most populous country after China. After its independence, the country made tremendous progress towards gaining food security. Before the 1960s, India used to rely on imports and foreign aid but after 1966, India adopted policy reforms that enhance self-reliance in food security by promoting domestic production. This has led to India being the world's largest producer of many fresh fruits. It is also the second largest producer of dry fruits, agriculture based textile raw materials, roots, and tuber crops. Though India is the second largest producer of fruit and vegetables in the world, the export of those commodities only constitutes a smaller share of the countrys export. |
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There was a spike in farmer suicides in the end of the green revolution. Small scale farmers were exposed to price fluctuations that are characteristic of cash crops on the global market and were in competition with multinational corporations. Large scale Indian farmers adopted the use of pesticides, fertilized and genetic modified seeds. It raised the production costs significantly. The small scale farmers had to take out loans for inputs because they were expensive and couldnt afford them. |
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There was a spike in farmer suicides in the end of the green revolution. Small scale farmers were exposed to price fluctuations that are characteristic of cash crops on the global market and were in competition with multinational corporations. Large scale Indian farmers adopted the use of pesticides, fertilized and genetic modified seeds. It raised the production costs significantly. The small scale farmers had to take out loans for inputs because they were expensive and couldnt afford them. |
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Corporate managerial efficacy is a key driver of success within firms across all industries and markets. Parsing the skill sets that separate high performing managerial teams from underperformers yields insight into underserved and underestimated value providers within this arena and reveals that significant financial impact stems directly from training managers on strategies for talent retention and layoff protocol. Companies in general undervalue the financial effect of reduced turnover through an insufficient training programs to handle situations where underestimated employees are laid off, which leads to higher than necessary turnover in stable growth periods and further exacerbates the negative financial impact to a firm. |
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Corporate managerial efficacy is a key driver of success within firms across all industries and markets. Parsing the skill sets that separate high performing managerial teams from underperformers yields insight into underserved and underestimated value providers within this arena and reveals that significant financial impact stems directly from training managers on strategies for talent retention and layoff protocol. Companies in general undervalue the financial effect of reduced turnover through an insufficient training programs to handle situations where underestimated employees are laid off, which leads to higher than necessary turnover in stable growth periods and further exacerbates the negative financial impact to a firm. |
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Corporate managerial efficacy is a key driver of success within firms across all industries and markets. Parsing the skill sets that separate high performing managerial teams from underperformers yields insight into underserved and underestimated value providers within this arena and reveals that significant financial impact stems directly from training managers on strategies for talent retention and layoff protocol. Companies in general undervalue the financial effect of reduced turnover through an insufficient training programs to handle situations where underestimated employees are laid off, which leads to higher than necessary turnover in stable growth periods and further exacerbates the negative financial impact to a firm. |
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In the school kitchen several members of the team complained of one of the senior supervisors - Ranveer. The complaint consists in the fact that he raises his voice and tries to force people for normal behaviors. The school management called him into the office and tried to find out more of his professional background. After a period of discussion the reason for his behavior was found out. He is a former army commander. From that moment the principal tried to explain to him that he is now working in civilian life and team members are ordinary people and that respect is gained by the power of the example and not by the power that his position gives him in the kitchen. Its been almost two years since then and changes in his attitude have been observed. It is important to reflect and analyze the nature of conflict and individual attitudes to it. |
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In the school kitchen several members of the team complained of one of the senior supervisors - Ranveer. The complaint consists in the fact that he raises his voice and tries to force people for normal behaviors. The school management called him into the office and tried to find out more of his professional background. After a period of discussion the reason for his behavior was found out. He is a former army commander. From that moment the principal tried to explain to him that he is now working in civilian life and team members are ordinary people and that respect is gained by the power of the example and not by the power that his position gives him in the kitchen. Its been almost two years since then and changes in his attitude have been observed. It is important to reflect and analyze the nature of conflict and individual attitudes to it. |
Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
In the school kitchen several members of the team complained of one of the senior supervisors - Ranveer. The complaint consists in the fact that he raises his voice and tries to force people for normal behaviors. The school management called him into the office and tried to find out more of his professional background. After a period of discussion the reason for his behavior was found out. He is a former army commander. From that moment the principal tried to explain to him that he is now working in civilian life and team members are ordinary people and that respect is gained by the power of the example and not by the power that his position gives him in the kitchen. Its been almost two years since then and changes in his attitude have been observed. It is important to reflect and analyze the nature of conflict and individual attitudes to it. |
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Till date, Black civil rights movements are still actively battling against some of the primary issues those similar liberation movements in the past. Certain elements have either remained constant overtime to take on new forms more practicable in modern society. The racial socialization and the representation of black people overtime as a result of American cultural hegemony has led to a near irreversible devaluation of black lives and communities and this devaluation will continue to be on an upward trajectory until the root matters are adequately attended to and mutually beneficial policies are implemented. This will ultimately have a ripple effect as the United States being a world power, sets precedents for less powerful states and thus is of immense importance. |
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Till date, Black civil rights movements are still actively battling against some of the primary issues those similar liberation movements in the past. Certain elements have either remained constant overtime to take on new forms more practicable in modern society. The racial socialization and the representation of black people overtime as a result of American cultural hegemony has led to a near irreversible devaluation of black lives and communities and this devaluation will continue to be on an upward trajectory until the root matters are adequately attended to and mutually beneficial policies are implemented. This will ultimately have a ripple effect as the United States being a world power, sets precedents for less powerful states and thus is of immense importance. |
Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
Till date, Black civil rights movements are still actively battling against some of the primary issues those similar liberation movements in the past. Certain elements have either remained constant overtime to take on new forms more practicable in modern society. The racial socialization and the representation of black people overtime as a result of American cultural hegemony has led to a near irreversible devaluation of black lives and communities and this devaluation will continue to be on an upward trajectory until the root matters are adequately attended to and mutually beneficial policies are implemented. This will ultimately have a ripple effect as the United States being a world power, sets precedents for less powerful states and thus is of immense importance. |
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The Government has constituted a Group of Ministers (GoM) on 15th January, 2019 to examine the existing legal and institutional frameworks for dealing with matters of sexual harassment of women at the workplace. The Group of Ministers was constituted in October 2018 after the "Me Too" campaign. The group was reconstituted under the Home Minster in July 2019. The GoM will recommend actions required for effective implementation of the existing provisions, as well as for strengthening the existing legal and institutional frameworks for addressing issues related to sexual harassment at workplace. The Group of Ministers has been constituted in view of the felt need for broader consultation on this issue, from the point of view of developing appropriate recommendations and laying down a comprehensive plan of action and for ensuring its time bound implementation. There have been several women harassment cases registered in several places of India. But an incident like Me Too instigates such immediate and strict actions to be taken by the Government as well as awareness from the public. |
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The Government has constituted a Group of Ministers (GoM) on 15th January, 2019 to examine the existing legal and institutional frameworks for dealing with matters of sexual harassment of women at the workplace. The Group of Ministers was constituted in October 2018 after the "Me Too" campaign. The group was reconstituted under the Home Minster in July 2019. The GoM will recommend actions required for effective implementation of the existing provisions, as well as for strengthening the existing legal and institutional frameworks for addressing issues related to sexual harassment at workplace. The Group of Ministers has been constituted in view of the felt need for broader consultation on this issue, from the point of view of developing appropriate recommendations and laying down a comprehensive plan of action and for ensuring its time bound implementation. There have been several women harassment cases registered in several places of India. But an incident like Me Too instigates such immediate and strict actions to be taken by the Government as well as awareness from the public. |
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The Government has constituted a Group of Ministers (GoM) on 15th January, 2019 to examine the existing legal and institutional frameworks for dealing with matters of sexual harassment of women at the workplace. The Group of Ministers was constituted in October 2018 after the "Me Too" campaign. The group was reconstituted under the Home Minster in July 2019. The GoM will recommend actions required for effective implementation of the existing provisions, as well as for strengthening the existing legal and institutional frameworks for addressing issues related to sexual harassment at workplace. The Group of Ministers has been constituted in view of the felt need for broader consultation on this issue, from the point of view of developing appropriate recommendations and laying down a comprehensive plan of action and for ensuring its time bound implementation. There have been several women harassment cases registered in several places of India. But an incident like Me Too instigates such immediate and strict actions to be taken by the Government as well as awareness from the public. |
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The Government has constituted a Group of Ministers (GoM) on 15th January, 2019 to examine the existing legal and institutional frameworks for dealing with matters of sexual harassment of women at the workplace. The Group of Ministers was constituted in October 2018 after the "Me Too" campaign. The group was reconstituted under the Home Minster in July 2019. The GoM will recommend actions required for effective implementation of the existing provisions, as well as for strengthening the existing legal and institutional frameworks for addressing issues related to sexual harassment at workplace. The Group of Ministers has been constituted in view of the felt need for broader consultation on this issue, from the point of view of developing appropriate recommendations and laying down a comprehensive plan of action and for ensuring its time bound implementation. There have been several women harassment cases registered in several places of India. But an incident like Me Too instigates such immediate and strict actions to be taken by the Government as well as awareness from the public. |
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Equity and openness in education are concepts many teachers strive to achieve in their own classrooms. The thought of an equitable education is one that many would assume is embedded into the foundation of the school system. This assertion believes that an education will "level the playing field" for students that come from a variety of socioeconomic and cultural backgrounds. However, many schools sort students based on economic or racial status or the ability level of the student. This sorting process is highly influential in the student's lives after education. Thus, higher achieving students will have access to higher education and well-paying jobs, and lower achieving students will not have this same access. It is firmly believed that education should open doors in their future for any student regardless of race, class, culture or disability. Therefore, it is the academic and ethical duty of the teachers to provide an open and fair education for all students to truly make the school system equitable. |
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Equity and openness in education are concepts many teachers strive to achieve in their own classrooms. The thought of an equitable education is one that many would assume is embedded into the foundation of the school system. This assertion believes that an education will "level the playing field" for students that come from a variety of socioeconomic and cultural backgrounds. However, many schools sort students based on economic or racial status or the ability level of the student. This sorting process is highly influential in the students lives after education. Thus, higher achieving students will have access to higher education and well-paying jobs, and lower achieving students will not have this same access. It is firmly believed that education should open doors in their future for any student regardless of race, class, culture or disability. Therefore, it is the academic and ethical duty of the teachers to provide an open and fair education for all students to truly make the school system equitable. |
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Equity and openness in education are concepts many teachers strive to achieve in their own classrooms. The thought of an equitable education is one that many would assume is embedded into the foundation of the school system. This assertion believes that an education will "level the playing field" for students that come from a variety of socioeconomic and cultural backgrounds. However, many schools sort students based on economic or racial status or the ability level of the student. This sorting process is highly influential in the students lives after education. Thus, higher achieving students will have access to higher education and well-paying jobs, and lower achieving students will not have this same access. It is firmly believed that education should open doors in their future for any student regardless of race, class, culture or disability. Therefore, it is the academic and ethical duty of the teachers to provide an open and fair education for all students to truly make the school system equitable. |
Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
Equity and openness in education are concepts many teachers strive to achieve in their own classrooms. The thought of an equitable education is one that many would assume is embedded into the foundation of the school system. This assertion believes that an education will "level the playing field" for students that come from a variety of socioeconomic and cultural backgrounds. However, many schools sort students based on economic or racial status or the ability level of the student. This sorting process is highly influential in the students lives after education. Thus, higher achieving students will have access to higher education and well-paying jobs, and lower achieving students will not have this same access. It is firmly believed that education should open doors in their future for any student regardless of race, class, culture or disability. Therefore, it is the academic and ethical duty of the teachers to provide an open and fair education for all students to truly make the school system equitable. |
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Leadership is one of the critical elements in every organizational setup. However, Leadership and management are two different terms which are often assumed to mean the same thing, but they are different. Managing cannot be equated to leading. Managing involves dealing with complexity while leading involves dealing with change. Leadership involves setting direction and coming up with strategic plans on how to bring about positive change and growth in the organization while management involves coming up with steps to be followed and setting time limits for certain activities to be accomplished. Leaders portray a passionate attitude towards achieving the organizations vision and the set goals while managers may have an impersonal attitude towards the set goals and visions. Leading a team will be affected positively by a leader other than a manager. This is because a leader is compelled by emotions and ensures the growth of the subordinates by motivating them to overcome challenges. |
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Leadership is one of the critical elements in every organizational setup. However, Leadership and management are two different terms which are often assumed to mean the same thing, but they are different. Managing cannot be equated to leading. Managing involves dealing with complexity while leading involves dealing with change. Leadership involves setting direction and coming up with strategic plans on how to bring about positive change and growth in the organization while management involves coming up with steps to be followed and setting time limits for certain activities to be accomplished. Leaders portray a passionate attitude towards achieving the organization's vision and the set goals while managers may have an impersonal attitude towards the set goals and visions. Leading a team will be affected positively by a leader other than a manager. This is because a leader is compelled by emotions and ensures the growth of the subordinates by motivating them to overcome challenges. |
Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
Leadership is one of the critical elements in every organizational setup. However, Leadership and management are two different terms which are often assumed to mean the same thing, but they are different. Managing cannot be equated to leading. Managing involves dealing with complexity while leading involves dealing with change. Leadership involves setting direction and coming up with strategic plans on how to bring about positive change and growth in the organization while management involves coming up with steps to be followed and setting time limits for certain activities to be accomplished. Leaders portray a passionate attitude towards achieving the organization's vision and the set goals while managers may have an impersonal attitude towards the set goals and visions. Leading a team will be affected positively by a leader other than a manager. This is because a leader is compelled by emotions and ensures the growth of the subordinates by motivating them to overcome challenges. |
Study the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below: |
Leadership is one of the critical elements in every organizational setup. However, Leadership and management are two different terms which are often assumed to mean the same thing, but they are different. Managing cannot be equated to leading. Managing involves dealing with complexity while leading involves dealing with change. Leadership involves setting direction and coming up with strategic plans on how to bring about positive change and growth in the organization while management involves coming up with steps to be followed and setting time limits for certain activities to be accomplished. Leaders portray a passionate attitude towards achieving the organization's vision and the set goals while managers may have an impersonal attitude towards the set goals and visions. Leading a team will be affected positively by a leader other than a manager. This is because a leader is compelled by emotions and ensures the growth of the subordinates by motivating them to overcome challenges. |
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Data regarding the number of voters at 6 different centres - A, B, C, D, E | ||||||||||||||||||
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Number of Soldiers recruited (in thousands) in three different forces in six different years. |
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Number of Soldiers recruited (in thousands) in three different forces in six different years |
Direction: Study the following graph carefully to answer the questions that follow : |
Number of Soldiers recruited (in thousands) in three different forces in six different years |
Direction: Study the following graph carefully to answer the questions that follow : |
Number of Soldiers recruited (in thousands) in three different forces in six different years |
Direction: Study the following graph carefully to answer the questions that follow : |
Number of Soldiers recruited (in thousands) in three different forces in six different years |
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In a ship there are 1200 passengers. 18 percent of the total number of passengers is from Britain. Two-fifth of the total number of passengers is from South Africa. 6 percent of the total number of passengers is from Madagascar. Remaining number of passengers is from India. 25 percent of the number of passengers from Britain is female. Half the number of passengers from South Africa are male. There is no female passenger from Madagascar. Two-third of the number of passengers from India is females. |
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In a ship there are 1200 passengers. 18 percent of the total number of passengers is from Britain. Two-fifth of the total number of passengers is from South Africa. 6 percent of the total number of passengers is from Madagascar. Remaining number of passengers is from India. 25 percent of the number of passengers from Britain is female. Half the number of passengers from South Africa are male. There is no female passenger from Madagascar. Two-third of the number of passengers from India is females. |
Study the information carefully to answer the questions that follow. |
In a ship there are 1200 passengers. 18 percent of the total number of passengers is from Britain. Two-fifth of the total number of passengers is from South Africa. 6 percent of the total number of passengers is from Madagascar. Remaining number of passengers is from India. 25 percent of the number of passengers from Britain is female. Half the number of passengers from South Africa are male. There is no female passenger from Madagascar. Two-third of the number of passengers from India is females. |
Study the information carefully to answer the questions that follow. |
In a ship there are 1200 passengers. 18 percent of the total number of passengers is from Britain. Two-fifth of the total number of passengers is from South Africa. 6 percent of the total number of passengers is from Madagascar. Remaining number of passengers is from India. 25 percent of the number of passengers from Britain is female. Half the number of passengers from South Africa are male. There is no female passenger from Madagascar. Two-third of the number of passengers from India is females. |
Study the information carefully to answer the questions that follow. |
In a ship there are 1200 passengers. 18 percent of the total number of passengers is from Britain. Two-fifth of the total number of passengers is from South Africa. 6 percent of the total number of passengers is from Madagascar. Remaining number of passengers is from India. 25 percent of the number of passengers from Britain is female. Half the number of passengers from South Africa are male. There is no female passenger from Madagascar. Two-third of the number of passengers from India is females. |
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